The Effect Of The Russian Empire On The Political Life Of The Emirate Of Bukhara (1868-1917)

Author(s):  
Yangiboeva Dilnoza Uktamovna ◽  

The article describes the influence of the Russian Empire on the socio-political life of the Emirate of Bukhara in the late XIX - early XX centuries during the reign of Mangit emirs Muzaffar (1860-1885), Abdulahad (1885-1910) and Alimkhan (1910-1920). There were many people who looked at this country, which has beautiful nature, fertile soil and rich in minerals. The Central Asian khanates, which were part of a constantly changing world, did not undergo renewal, despite their obsolescence. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, when the Emirate of Bukhara became politically and economically full of the policy of the Russian Empire and officially became its vassal, many historical events took place in its social life.

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Apendiyev

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the South Kazakhstan region, namely Aulieata and Shymkent (Chernyaev) districts, was one of the main German settlements. These areas, which belong to the Syrdarya region of the Turkestan region, have been inhabited by Germans since the last quarter of the 19th century and are considered to be one of the main European ethnic groups. The Germans interacted with the local population and contributed to the development of ethno-demographic processes in the region. However, the development of such processes and the political and social life of the Germans had a negative impact on the First World War. At the beginning of the twentieth century, this war, which was a major international factor, created a great war between the empires, and it also divided the peoples. From the first days of the First World War, 1914-1918, relations between the Russian Empire and Germany were at war. This situation changed the political life of the Germans and the German community living in the Russian Empire. Such changes took place especially in the lives of German settlers in the European part of the empire. His main examples were the military persecution of Germans, the stigmatization of Germans in society, the establishment of chauvinistic attitudes among ethnic groups, and similar factors. In Russia, local Germans have been labeled "internal enemies." The fate of German communities in all regions of the Russian Empire was closely monitored in 1914-1918, and in general, since 1914, the fate of the Germans has been very constructive. At the same time, there is a legitimate question as to whether the situation in the Turkestan region is the same as in other regions of the Russian Empire. Similarly, the article raises questions about the situation of Germans in Shymkent and Aulieata districts of the Syrdarya region, and seeks answers in this regard. The article examines the political situation and social life of Germans in the South Kazakhstan region during the First World War. The main task of the article is to show the life of local Germans and their place in society. In addition, the political and social history of other peoples in the region will be considered.


Author(s):  
Melih Cosgun

The point of origin in the comparison of the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire were not as different from each other unlike the similarities. Both empires has chosen to shape with their own internal dynamics and enclosed social life over the years. In addition, they have taken samples the West as their model for modernization. These Empires have been described as “other” by Western because of “Islam” in Ottoman Empire and “Orthodoxy” in Russian Empire. Similar social patterns, political unrest and modernization moves has been the starting point of the study. The study referred to in the title of “comparison” did not include the concept of the just determination of similarity. Although both empires have many similarities, there were many striking differences each other. The most obvious differences in etymologic, Ottoman bureaucracy designate modernization as “Westernization”, other side Russian administrators named modernization as “Europeanism”. Another notable element was observed in various economic lives. The transition to capitalism in the Ottoman Empire directed by external forces on the other hand, Russia gave direction to this transformation of its own volition. The purpose of study is to show the similarities and differences in the Ottoman and Russian modernization with using the comparative historical sociological method.Keywords: ottoman empire, russian empire, modernization, westernization, political life


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-243
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Janicki

[Otto Hermann von der Howen. From Courland Patriot to Merciless Henchman of Russian Interests in the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia] The article describes the evolution of political activities of Otto Hermann von der Howen (1740–1806). He was one of the most influential politicians in the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia in the last decades of the state’s existence. When beginning his political activity he followed values instilled in him by his father and acted in the well‑understood interests of the duchy. He opposed Russian influences in Courland. He was not afraid of taking risks or sacrificing himself for the causes of his homeland and paid for his uncompromising attitude with three years of imprisonment in a Russian citadel. After his release he once more began to participate in the political life of the duchy, yet he discarded the ideals of youth and made politics his source of income. Witnessing the increasing influences of the Russian Empire in Courland he became their greatest advocate and stood at the head of the “Russian party” in the country. He did not follow any moral principles anymore. Not only did he deprive the Duke of Courland of considerable amounts of money, without any scruples, but also denied him his authority in the state. Otto Hermann von der Howen decisively contributed to the unconditional and direct incorporation of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia to the Russian Empire, after 234 years of its existence. He was hated by his contemporaries and considered an anti‑hero by later generations. The article is the first such comprehensive (although certainly non‑exhaustive) a presentation of political activities of Otto Hermann von der Howen in Polish historiography.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Tyshkevych

The article represents the Ukrainian-language newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate of the early XX century and defines their role in the socio-political life of that time. It should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, only 9 were in Ukrainian. Despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, Ukrainian-language newspapers covered all aspects of Ukrainian life under the rule of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian-language newspapers monitored the development of society and the influenced on the formation of the national consciousness of ethnic Ukrainians. The object of the research is aspects of the political life of Ukrainians on the pages of publications: "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." The mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, but are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine at the beginning of the XX century. The purpose of the article is to study the political orientation, the language of publications, and the frequency of Ukrainian-language newspapers in the Kyiv General Governorate in the early XX century. By summing up the role of newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate at the beginning of the XX century, it should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, published in the Volyn Governorate, Kyiv Governorate, Podil Governorate, only 8 were Ukrainian-language. Nevertheless, despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, the newspapers reflected all aspects of Ukrainian life under the control of the Russian Empire. Newspaper publications reflected the life of the Ukrainian community while influencing the formation of the national identity of ethnic Ukrainians [1]. It seems that no issue of Ukrainian national life has escaped their pages. Even the slightest manifestation of the cultural or political life of Ukrainians under the government of the Russian Empire found a response in the pages of publications in "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." Although the mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, they are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine in the early XX century, testify to the growth of national and cultural revival of the Ukrainian people in Russian Ukraine. The study can be applied to prepare students and graduates in the field of Historical Sciences and Culturology. The newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate (Volyn, Kyiv, and Podil Governorate) of the early XX century were researched and systematized by language, circulation, and frequency of publication for the first time. The study can be the basis for further research of the Ukrainian periodicals for the period from 1800 to 1861 of the XIX century.


Author(s):  
K. Nahaiko

This article covers the relationship between Kyiv Ukrainian community as the main formation mover of the national movement in Ukraine in the second decade of the 19 th century and the unification center for Ukrainian scientific- educational elite – St.Volodymyr University. In the context of the establishment of bourgeois society in Europe universities emerged as the main centers which impacted on formation of a national identity of citizens. They became the biggest centers of development of progressive ideas in the south-western part of the Russian Empire which made a tangible impact for its public and political life. According to the Western European example these educational institutions turned into outposts of establishments of a national idea. Due to strong mental potential in their environment the ideas were formed which stimulated self-realization of ‘distinct nations’ that lived in the areas of the Empire. Their practical application occurred both in the cultural and in the political areas. Great importance in these processes was made by Kyiv National St. Volodymyr University. The idea of political separateness as one of European nations progressed among progressive scientific-cultural sphere there. The efforts of Ukrainophiles community made the national desire meaningful by putting forward the ideas of commonwealth in the form of autonomy and then its independent Republic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


Author(s):  
Sergey Sergushkin

The article focuses on the role of A. E. Evert, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front, in the events of the February Revolution. Russia's top military leadership took a consolidated position on the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II from the throne, but the unity regarding the fate of the Empire's future was only an appearance. This is made clear through a detailed examination of the decisions made by Evert during the last crucial days for the Russian Empire and of his motives. The author pays particular attention to the period after the emperor’s abdication when, in the political vacuum, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front changed his line of conduct and proposed the bold project of transferring the country's real political power under military control. The methodological basis of this study is the principles of historicism, systematicity and scientific objectivity, while also using the comparative and historical-genetic methods.  Evert considered the constitutional monarchy with Mikhail Alexandrovich on the throne as a worthy alternative to the forceful suppression of the revolution in the rear, which cannot be said about his view on the Provisional Government and the prospect of elections to the Constituent Assembly during the war. In this regard, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front hoped, with the support of his colleagues, to impose his will on the rebellious capital. However, his project did not receive the necessary support, and his disloyalty to the Provisional Government led to his early resignation.


Author(s):  
Gennadiy G. Bril’ ◽  
Leonid N. Zaytsev

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.


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