How was the army of the Alash state built?

Author(s):  
Sultan K. Zhussip (Aqquly) ◽  
Dikhan Qamzabekuly ◽  
Satay M. Syzdykov ◽  
Kairbek R. Kemengger ◽  
Khalil B. Maslov

It was 1919, that is, on the eve of the mutual acknowledgement of the Alash Autonomy and the Soviet rule of each other and the incorporation of the Kazakh Autonomy in the USSR. However, historical facts confirm that the leader of the Kazakhs was attempting to build a national army, a fully legal one, even during the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, therefore in the period of the autocratic rule of the colonial empire, despite a number of insurmountable obstacles that seemed to stand in the way. The article is devoted to a historical analysis of the process of creating a legal national army of the Kazakh population and the political legalization of the Autonomous State of Alash on the territory of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century. The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks.The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 196-230
Author(s):  
Vladimir Prokhorovich Buldakov

V.P. Buldakov explores the emotional overheating in the Russian Empire, but also of the entire European cultural milieu during the era of Great War, Revolution, Civil War and beyond. Exploring a wide range of sources, archival, philosophical, literary, journalism, epistolary, memoirs and diaries, he calls for a new (socio)-psychological history of the Russian Revolution that integrates the irrational, the energy of negation, impulsiveness, atavisms and aggression and the importance of myth and rumor- in other words the full panoply of the emotions as manifested in social movements and politics.


Author(s):  
Leonid Kuras ◽  
◽  
Norovsambuu Khishigt ◽  
Bazar Tsybenov ◽  
◽  
...  

In the frame of transnational history the article examines the connection between the Russian revolution, 1917 with Civil war in Siberia and the Mongolian revolution, 1921. Along with it, the article reveals cooperation of Bolshevik party, Comintern and leaders of Buryat national movement with Mongolian leaders of national liberation movement for introduction of revolutionary ideas in Mongolia. The special attention is given to the ideologists and leaders of the Mongolian revolution, and Mongolian-Tibetan department in the section of Asian peoples.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1140-1173
Author(s):  
Arsen M. Kambiev

The article examines the little-studied and complex issue of relations between the new Caucasian state entities during the collapse of the Russian Empire and the following Civil War. The Revolution of 1917 led to the appearance on the political map of the Caucasus and Transcaucasia of a number of new state entities that fought for the recognition of their sovereignty. However, the political and military chaos in the region hindered both the internal process of consolidation of the self-proclaimed states, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic of the North Caucasus in particular, and their entry into the international community. The civil war in Russia and the confrontation between the Red and the White forces instigated even more contradictions. Transcaucasian countries, primarily Azerbaijan and Georgia, support both the insurrectionary movement in the Terek-Dagestan region and the leaders of the overthrown Mountainous Republic who stayed in their territory. However, any attempts to create stable allied military, political and economic relations, undertaken by the leaders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic, were not successful.


2019 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Павел Евгеньевич Липовецкий

Статья посвящена истории становления организаций либерального духовенства в годы Первой русской революции (1905-1907) Политический кризис, начавшийся в Российской империи в 1905 г., поставил духовенство Православной Церкви перед необходимостью определить свою позицию по ряду общественных вопросов. Значительная часть клириков высказала симпатии либеральному направлению в политике. Наиболее крупные организации либерального духовенства сложились в Санкт-Петербурге и Москве. Сменившая несколько названий, столичная организация, выросшая из группы 32-х пастырей, в определённой степени пользовались поддержкой правящего архиерея - митр. Антония (Вадковского). Клирики имели возможность высказываться на собраниях и со страниц периодической печати. В свою очередь представители московского духовенства объединились на базе «Общества любителей духовного просвещения». Однако вскоре члены Общества вступили в конфликт с митр. Владимиром (Богоявленским), что заставило их искать поддержки у партии «Союз 17 октября». Это привело к созданию независимой от церковного начальства организации, получившей название «Вероисповедная комиссия при Союзе 17 октября». В программном отношении организации либерального духовенства схожи между собой. Первоначальной темой обсуждения в них были вопросы церковного преобразования, но позднее общественные темы приобрели больший вес. В провинции на данный момент объединений либерального духовенства выявить не удалось. Тем не менее прослеживается деятельность отдельных клириков. The article is devoted to the history of formation of liberal clergy organizations in the years of the First Russian revolution (1905-1907) The political crisis which began in the Russian Empire in 1905 made the Orthodox clergy to define their position on a number of social questions. A large proportion of the clergy expressed sympathy for the liberal trend in politics. The largest organisations of liberal clergy emerged in St Petersburg and Moscow. The organisation in the capital, which had grown out of a group of 32 pastors, had the support of the ruling bishop, Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky), to a certain extent. The clerics were able to speak out at meetings and in the press. Representatives of the Moscow clergy in their turn united on the basis of the 'Society of Lovers of Spiritual Enlightenment'. However, members of the Society soon came into conflict with Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), which compelled them to seek support from the October 17th Union party. This led to the creation of an organization independent of church authorities called the Faith-Based Commission under the October 17th Union. In programmatic terms, the liberal clergy organizations were similar. Their initial topic of discussion was ecclesiastical conversion, but later social topics acquired greater weight. No liberal clergy associations could be traced in the provinces at present. Nevertheless, the activities of individual clerics can be traced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
Budi Agustono ◽  
Kiki Maulana Affandi ◽  
Junaidi Junaidi

This study aims to explain the movements, relationships and roles of Benih Mardeka newspaper in the political movement in East Sumatra from the period 1916 to 1923. Political movements took place as a result of rapid developments in the early 20th century in East Sumatra into a prosperous plantation area. The movements were carried by organisations delivered through propaganda tools or media, namely newspapers. One of the newspapers that loudly voiced national movement and nationalism in East Sumatra was Benih Mardeka newspaper, which began to appear in 1916. This study uses historical methods that include heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results showed that many articles in Benih Mardeka frequently criticised the issues of colonialism and capitalism. Meanwhile, the poor life of plantation workers became propaganda material for Benih Mardeka in criticising colonial and self-government as well as capitalists, namely plantation companies. Benih Mardeka was also a mouthpiece or tool for Sarekat Islam in conveying the idea of nation and nationalism. Hence, it can be concluded that Benih Mardeka consistently gave the voice of national movement and nationalism in the political movement and the press in East Sumatra.


Author(s):  
Roman Pochekaev

Introduction. The aim of the paper is to study the notes of the participants of Russian naval expeditions to the east coast of the Caspian Sea since the middle of 18th to the second half of 19th c. as a source of information on the political and legal position of local Turkmen tribes. Another aim is to analyze the significance of this information for the further advance of the Russian Empire to Central Asia. Methods and materials. The sources of the study are official reports of the heads of expeditions, scientific works and, in some cases, memoirs of the participants. The methods used in the paper are critical analysis of textual sources, historical and legal study, comparative historical analysis, institutional approach. Analysis. The notes of the participants of Russian naval expeditions contain valuable and sometimes unique information on specific features of the social and political structure of nomadic tribes of the East Caspian region including the political structure of tribes, legal regulation of different fields of relations, such as trade relations, extractive activities, settlement o conflicts, etc. The comparative analysis of the notes demonstrates that by the middle of 19th c. the evaluation of East Caspian nomads became more critical and strict. This reflected the views of Russian political circles on the necessity to strengthen the positions of the Russian Empire in Central Asia even by military methods. Results. Information of the participants of Russian naval expeditions is of great value as they were eye-witnesses or even participants of political, legal and socioeconomic relations in the region. These notes became a part of the informative and ideological base for the further advance of the Russian Empire to Central Asia.


Slavic Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven L. Guthier

In 1917, Ukrainian nationalists took advantage of the deterioration of central authority in the Russian Empire to make a bid for Ukrainian self-determination. The struggle for Ukrainian statehood continued under three successive national governments until 1920.The first year of the revolution, however, is crucial to understanding the evolution of the national movement in the Ukraine. In 1917, the Ukraine was as free of Russian interference and military occupation as it would be during the era of revolution and civil war. Ukrainian institutions and parties developed in freedom, democratic elections exposed the Ukrainian masses to nationalist agitation and measured their response, and the Russian government was forced to deal with the Ukraine as a distinct political entity.


Author(s):  
Steven J. Sutcliffe ◽  
John P. Willmett

This chapter sets out the lives and careers of the independent teachers G. I. Gurdjieff (1866?–1949) and P. D. Ouspensky (1878–1947) in the context of their early careers within the Russian empire, followed by their emigration to Paris and London after the Russian Revolution and Civil War. We argue that the system of ‘practical mysticism’ taught by both figures was strongly flavoured by elements of the ‘occult revival’ as this flourished in Silver Age Russia. It bore the impress of an imperial syncretism responsive to both Greek-Armenian folk culture (Gurdjieff) and Russian metropolitan mysticism (Ouspensky). We outline the main elements of ‘the Work’, which we present as a co-production by both teachers, despite its schismatic history since the 1920s, and we discuss the main theories on the sources of this practice. Overall we argue that fin de siècle imperial Russia was a more potent cultural crucible for the creation of ‘the Work’ than has hitherto been acknowledged. Paying greater research attention to the Gurdjieff–Ouspensky movement will improve our understanding of the depth and scope of its sources within pre-revolutionary Russia and the émigré cultures that emerged in London and Paris in the aftermath of the Russian Civil War.


2021 ◽  
pp. 347-360
Author(s):  
M. A. Vasilchenko ◽  
J. Vaculik

The article is devoted to the study of the political activity of one of the prominent figures of the Czech and Slovak national movement Bohdan Pavlu, who played a significant role in the Civil War in Russia. The material was documents of personal origin and official documents containing information on the activities of sCzech-Slovak organizations in Russia. The author pays attention to the evolution of political views of B. Pavlu, his attitude to the tsarist government. It is shown how external circumstances influenced the support of the course of T. G. Masaryk. Particular attention is paid to the activities of B. Pavlu during the Civil War in Russia. The novelty of the research is due to the fact that for the first time the socio-political views of one of the leaders of the Czech national movement in Russia are comprehensively studied. The relevance of the study is due to the lack of consensus in Russian society on the role of foreign intervention in the events of 1917—1922. It is proved that B. Pavlu’s activities contributed to the consolidation of the Czech and Slovak national movement in Russia. It is emphasized that it was he who formulated the concept of “Czechoslovakia”, which formed the basis for the idea of creating a single state for the two peoples.


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