scholarly journals A Mix of Motives

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-70
Author(s):  
Sam Rosenfeld ◽  
Nancy Schwartz
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
State Party ◽  
Party Change ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Party Development ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Internal Division

Scholarly debates over the nature of political parties and the identity of their principal actors have been hampered by relative inattention to the historical processes of internal party change. This study, drawing on archival sources, interviews, and one of the co-author’s personal experiences, analyzes the Georgia delegate challenge to the 1968 Democratic Convention as a case of internal party conflict generating lasting institutional reform, with implications for existing theories of party development, nominating politics, and democratic representation. In a convention marked by an unusually large number of challenges to state party delegations, the Georgia delegate challenge was unique. There, a conflict between the segregationist regulars and the moderate and liberal Democrats was complicated by an internal division in the latter camp between Hubert Humphrey and Eugene McCarthy supporters. The McCarthy forces’ success in garnering a dominant position within the challenge delegation alienated many of the Georgia movement’s organizers and leaders. The McCarthy campaign's takeover also linked this southern challenge both to the antiwar politics coloring the national nomination fight and to a particular conception of representation that would influence subsequent party reform efforts. In tracing the origins, dynamics, and aftermath of Georgia’s delegate challenge, we show both that group- and candidate-driven efforts together shape party development over time, and that normative ideas concerning representation can play causal roles in party development.

Contentious Institutions and Party Orders in American Politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Hejny ◽  
Adam Hilton
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Party Development ◽  
State And Society ◽  
American Party ◽  
Over Time

What are political parties, and how and why do they change? These questions are foundational to party research, yet scholars of American parties disagree about the answers. In this paper we present a new theoretical framework capable of bridging these scholarly divides and coming to terms with American party politics today. We argue that political parties should be seen as fundamentally contentious institutions. Due to their mediating position between state and society, parties are subject to rival claims of authority from a range of political actors, including elected officeholders, party officials, interest groups, and social movements. To manage intraparty contention, win elections, and govern, entrepreneurs construct and maintain party orders -- institutional and ideational arrangements that foster an operational degree of cohesion and constraint through time. Together, the dynamics of intraparty contention and the rise and fall of distinct party orders over time illuminate the patterns of American party development.

Mapping Influence: Partisan Networks across the United States, 2000 to 2016

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Reuning
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Critical Component ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
State Party ◽  
Over Time

The parties as networks approach has become a critical component of understanding American political parties. Research on it has so far mainly focused on variation in the placement of candidates within a network at the national level. This is in part due to a lack of data on state-level party networks. In this article, I fill that gap by developing state party networks for 47 states from 2000 to 2016 using candidate donation data. To do this, I introduce a backboning network analysis method not yet used in political science to infer relationships among donors at the state level. Finally, I validate these state networks and then show how parties have varied across states and over time. The networks developed here will be made publicly available for future research. Being able to quantify variation in party network structure will be important for understanding variation in party–policy linkages at the state level.

scholarly journals Reducing the diagnostic delay in Antiphospholipid Syndrome over time: a real world observation

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimo Radin ◽  
Silvia Grazietta Foddai ◽  
Alice Barinotti ◽  
Irene Cecchi ◽  
Elena Rubini ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Rare Disease ◽  
Antiphospholipid Syndrome ◽  
Diagnostic Delay ◽  
Autoimmune Disorder ◽  
Critical Issue ◽  
Disease Registry ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
Rare Disease Registry ◽  
Self Administered Questionnaire ◽  
Over Time

Abstract Background Antiphospholipid Syndrome (APS) is a rare autoimmune disorder with an estimated prevalence of 40–50 cases per 100.000 persons. Patients suffering from low prevalence diseases are more likely to face diagnostic challenges, given the limited knowledge of most clinicians. The main aim of this study was to investigate the time between symptoms occurrence and the diagnosis of APS patients using the Piedmont and Aosta Valley Rare Disease Registry. Secondly, to evaluate the individual impact of the diagnostic gap by gathering patients’ personal experiences through a self-administered questionnaire. Results Data from the Piedmont and Aosta Valley Rare Disease Registry was used. In addition, personal experiences were analyzed through a self-administered questionnaire. A total of 740 APS patients included in the Piedmont and Aosta Valley Rare Disease Registry were analyzed. Diagnostic delay (as defined by time between symptoms’ occurrence and the diagnosis of APS) was significantly reduced over time. In particular, when comparing the diagnostic delay between patients diagnosed between 1983 and 1999 and patients diagnosed between 2000 and 2015, we found a significant statistical difference (Mann-Whithey U Test; mean rank 1216.6 vs. 1066.9, respectively; p < 0.0001). When analyzing the self-administered questionnaires, patients with a perception of having suffered for a diagnostic delay had a higher prevalence of symptoms suggestive of an autoimmune condition but not highly suggestive of APS (45%), followed by “extra criteria” APS manifestation (30%) and by thrombotic events (25%). The first clinical manifestation of patients who did not have the perception of having suffered a diagnostic delay was thrombotic events (45.5%), followed by autoimmune manifestation not linked to APS (45.5%), and “extra criteria” APS manifestations (9%). Conclusions While the diagnostic delay of APS has been reduced during the last years, the time between symptoms occurrence and the diagnosis of rare diseases still represents a critical issue to be addressed in order to prevent major complications.

Trends in Global Disarmament Treaties

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Casey-Maslen ◽  
Tobias Vestner
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Biological Weapons ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
State Party ◽  
Chemical Weapons Convention ◽  
Support Mechanisms ◽  
Biological Weapons Convention ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Core Features

Abstract Since the adoption of the UN Charter, states have concluded numerous international disarmament treaties. What are their core features, and are there any trends in their design? This article discusses the five global disarmament treaties, namely the 1971 Biological Weapons Convention, the 1992 Chemical Weapons Convention, the 1997 Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention, the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions and the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. It first considers how a broad set of prohibitions of activities with respect to specific weapons has evolved over time. Then, it analyses the treaties’ implementation and compliance support mechanisms as well as their procedural aspects regarding entry into force and withdrawal. This article finds that a pattern has developed over the last two decades to outlaw all and any use of weapons by disarmament treaty, without first instituting a prohibition on their use under international humanitarian law (IHL). It also finds that reporting obligations, meetings of States Parties and treaty-related institutions are generally created, either directly by treaty or by subsequent state party decisions. Finally, there is a tendency to make the treaty’s entry into force easier, and the withdrawal more difficult. It is argued that these trends arise from states’ attempt to establish more easily disarmament treaties, design more robust disarmament treaties and more effectively protect civilians. The article concludes by reflecting whether these trends form the basis of a new branch of international law—international disarmament law—and discusses them in the context of emerging weapons and technologies.

scholarly journals Editorial introduction: Gender and political financing

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Impact

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.

Introduction

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel Maurer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
West Africa ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Government ◽  
Foreign Investors ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

This introductory chapter discusses the shift from politicized confrontations like the imbroglio of 1900 to legalized disputes like the more orderly affair of 2007. It advances four basic findings. First, American government intervention on behalf of U.S. foreign investors was astoundingly successful at extracting compensation through the 1980s. Second, American domestic interests trumped strategic concerns again and again, for small economic gains relative to the U.S. economy and the potential strategic losses. Third, the United States proved unable to impose institutional reform in Latin America and West Africa even while American agents were in place. Finally, the technology that the U.S. government used to protect American property rights overseas changed radically over time.

Diverse Politics, Difficult Contradictions

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-201
Author(s):  
Michelle Glowa ◽  
Antonio Roman-Alcalá
Keyword(s):  
San Francisco ◽  
Urban Agriculture ◽  
Food Systems ◽  
San Francisco Bay Area ◽  
Massive Transformation ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Bay Area ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Over Time

In the San Francisco Bay Area, during the last nine years advocates have made major inroads in shifting local policies and approaches to urban agriculture. At the same time, the city’s landscape has undergone massive transformation. In this chapter, based on personal experiences as leaders in urban agriculture in the Bay Area and as researchers on the (transformational) politics of food systems, we propose that the justice-driven components of urban agriculture movements are subject to the influence of broader changes in political-economic context, and that urban agriculture is easily absorbed into existing neoliberal and pro-development political trajectories and projects. In this chapter, through the case of the San Francisco Urban Agriculture Alliance, we analyze the movement’s composition, its genesis over time, and how the movement has confronted the tensions and limitations of neoliberal urbanization.

2. The Political Organization of Parliament

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Norton
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Organization ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Opposition Parties

This chapter discusses the political organization of the UK Parliament, at the heart of which are the political parties. It first considers the internal organization of Parliament, focusing on how political parties are structured. There are two principal parties facing one another in Parliament: the party in government and opposition parties. The opposition comprises frontbench Members (shadow ministers) and backbenchers. Smaller parties may also designate some Members as ‘frontbenchers’ (official spokespeople for the party). The frontbench of each party includes whips. The chapter provides an overview of these whips as well as parliamentary parties before considering legislative–executive relations. In particular, it examines how parties shape the relationship between Parliament and the executive, and how these have changed over time.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 249-258
Author(s):  
Emily J. Charnock
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Party Change ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Specific Policy ◽  
Major Interest ◽  
Ideological Dimension ◽  
Over Time

This conclusion highlights the importance of PACs in twentieth-century American political development. The emergence of partisan PACs, initially formed by major interest groups, played an important and neglected role in fostering the polarization of American politics—a phenomenon that has raised concern in recent decades. Seeking to reconfigure party politics around specific policy issues—more broadly, to realign the party system along an ideological dimension of conflict—these PACs helped make the parties more distinct and more deeply divided over time. They did so via electoral tools and tactics that are now ubiquitous in political life but are rarely probed in scholarship. A focus on PACs thus illuminates the very mechanisms through which party change was brought about, as much as its wider meaning. The book concludes with a consideration of contemporary US politics, in which PACs continue to play a prominent role.

Digital revolution and party innovations: An analysis of the Spanish case

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-253
Author(s):  
Francesco Raniolo ◽  
Valeria Tarditi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Organizational Models ◽  
Party Change ◽  
Digital Revolution ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
New Information ◽  
Information And Communication

AbstractThe literature on party change has shown how the advent of the digital revolution and the diffusion of new Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the democracies of the 21st century have influenced the way political parties communicate and perform their functions. Less investigated, however, is the organizational reaction of political parties to the challenges posed by the transformation of the communications environment. The aim of this paper is to scrutinize whether parties evince a transformative tendency towards virtual models in which new digital ICTs are used as ‘functional equivalents’ of the old organizational infrastructures. To this end, the paper focuses on the Spanish democracy – a paradigmatic case of the political transformations that European democracies have undergone since the 2008 economic crisis – comparing the organizational models of the main political parties: the Partido Socialista Obrero Español, the Partido Popular, Podemos and Ciudadanos. Particularly the analysis – through the use of parties' documents – focuses on whether and how digital tools are used by the Spanish parties in three dimensions: the participants in the organization, the organizational configuration and the decision-making process. The main conclusions are: new challenger parties make a more intense and radical use of new ICTs introducing ‘disrupting innovations’ in their organization, while old and mainstream parties gradually adapt their organization to the new digital environment introducing ‘sustaining innovations’; parties on the left make greater use of ICTs in order to foster greater internal democracy when compared to their corresponding parties on the centre-right.

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