scholarly journals The “Machine of Power” and Aspects of Political Balance

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor Isaev ◽  
Arkady Kornev ◽  
Sergey Lipen ◽  
Sergey Zenin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Social Role ◽  
General Pattern ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Power Machine ◽  
The Creation

This article explores the historical pattern of the evolution of power technologies. The methodological basis relies on the philosophical movements of the twentieth century (phenomenology, structuralism, etc.) and works by P. Bourdieu, C. Lefort, N. Luhmann, D. Naisbitt, P. Sloterdijk, M. Foucault, O. Spann, F. G. Jünger, N. Elias, and a number of other authors. The creation of technologies for managing society and complex power mechanisms (“power machines”) are a general pattern of social development. The notion of dynamic power balance acts as a mandatory attribute of the management of society and focuses political activity on the constant consideration of numerous phenomena, circumstances, and interests. The state, as the main instrument of political management, seeks to constantly strengthen its power both within and without, and to spread it ever more to new spheres of social relations and territories. But over time, first in the sphere of international law, universal principles are recognised that establish the limits of power and assume the impossibility of strengthening the power of any one state (the idea of political balance of sovereign national states). In domestic politics, the increasing degree of agreement and gradually developing mechanisms of consensus contribute to the reduction of the role played by direct violence and the emergence of a system of institutions that were perceived as legitimate. Previous spontaneous processes and collisions of opposing forces are translated into technical, organisational, normative language – and political dynamics – into static social structures. Chaos and uncertainty are replaced by ideas about the desired ideal and order. The new “power machine” also receives a new justification that is no longer transcendent, but rather rational and technological. Constantly improving and becoming more complex, the “power machine” becomes ever more effective. The “technical” regularities of the organisation and functioning of political power, which determine the new social role of the “power machine”, come to the fore. The state, which is organised into a mechanism with supreme political power and absolute authority, has a decisive influence on the development of society. The transition from a dynastic to a bureaucratic state depersonalises the “power machine”. The figure of a monarch with absolute power dissolves in the hierarchy of numerous officials vested with power. The organisation of power to a large extent separates carriers or subjects of power from their decisions. There is no visible mechanism of power and subordination and the opposite interests of the ruling and the governed. Further, in the twentieth-century industrial revolutions, the “power machine” is forced to adapt to new social realities, i. e. to “network” relations where communication and connections between people and their groups become fundamental. This leads to the creation of new management structures with a plurality of centres.

APPLICATION OF THE RULE OF LAW IN JUDICIAL PRACTICE

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyudmyla Bogachova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
The State ◽  
Broad Sense ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Judicial Practice

The article defines the concept of the principle of the rule of law both in the narrow and broad sense. In the narrow sense, the principle of the rule of law is understood as the rule of law over legislation, and in the broad sense - as the rule of law over the state, state arbitrariness. Different approaches to disclosing the content of the principle of the rule of law in national and European legal doctrines are systematized. The lack of a single generally accepted concept of the principle of "rule of law" is emphasized. The decisions of the European Court of Human Rights are analyzed; attention is focused on their interpretation of the rule of law. The realization of the principle of the rule of law, primarily presupposes the domination of inalienable and inviolable human rights and freedoms over the political power of the state, and also requires quality laws and observance of the principle of legal certainty. The interpretation of the principle of the rule of law in the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine is considered. The CCU emphasizes that the rule of law is first and foremost the "rule of law in society"; characterizes the principle, linking it to the ideas of social justice, freedom and equality, without which it is impossible to imagine true human development and existence. The Constitutional Court calls justice as one of the basic principles of law, which is crucial in defining it as a regulator of social relations, one of the universal dimensions of law. Examples of application of the rule of law in the practice of the Supreme Court of Ukraine are given. Judges not only make a formal reference to the rule of law, but also try to analyze and disclose the content of its constituent elements (requirements) within a specific legal case. The main problems that hinder the effective implementation and realization of the rule of law in judicial practice are identified, namely - the lack of proper regulation and official interpretation; low quality of laws and legislative process; excessive number of conflicting laws; low level of legal awareness and legal culture of Ukrainian society, and early stage of civil society development in Ukraine. It is concluded that the rule of law is a principle whose main content is expressed in the following aspects: ensuring the rule of law over political power; subordination of state institutions to the needs of human rights protection and ensuring their implementation; priority of these rights over all other values of democratic, social, and legal state; preventing the manifestation of arbitrariness of state power, as well as ensuring compliance with the requirements of justice.

scholarly journals Economics, Politics, and Ethnicity in Balochistan's Transport Industry

1995 ◽  
Vol 34 (4II) ◽  
pp. 619-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Titus
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Transport Industry ◽  
The Creation

Because of its potential to disrupt economic development, it is necessary to understand the dynamics of ethnic conflict in the contemporary world. A prevalent trend in the study of ethnicity is to focus on the creation and/or maintenance of ethnic identities and mobilisation on the basis of those identities as groups compete for resources, opportunities, or political power in the context of the nation-state [Barth (1969); Brass (1985); Comaroff (1987); Mumtaz (1990)]. In this approach, an ethnic group's distinguishing markers-language, custom, dress, etc.-are treated less as manifestations of tradition which define or create the group and more as arenas of negotiation and contestation in which people strive to realise their practical and symbolic interests. This happens as individuals or families, pursuing their livelihoods with the skills and resources available to them, find (or create) opportunities or obstacles which appear to be based on' ethnic criteria. The state can intensify this process as it uses positive or negative discrimination in order to achieve some desired distribution of wealth and opportunity. In turn, political leadership becomes a key in realising the experience of shared ethnic interests. Leadership develops as a kind of dual legitimation process, i.e., as individuals or organisations seek to be accepted as spokesmen both by members of the group itself and by outsiders.

The state and extreme poverty in Botswana: the San and destitutes

1999 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Good
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
Extreme Poverty ◽  
The Creation

The rise of wealth and power within the cattle-owning economy of Botswana has been accompanied by the creation of poverty and weakness. The impoverishment of the San and ‘destitutes’ was a structured, comprehensive, and long-term process, caused less by phenomena such as periodic drought than by an elite of economic and political power, and the exploitation which they practised. The growth economy of recent decades has not ameliorated the situation, but has strengthened the wealthy while neglecting or worsening the plight of the San. The state possesses the financial resources and developmental capacities to alleviate poverty, but its controllers continue to prioritise other matters.

From “Motherhood in the Interest of the State” to Motherhood in the Interest of Mothers

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hillary Maxson
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Japanese Women ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
World Congress ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Creation

In the aftermath of World War II, many Japanese women felt impelled to exorcise “martial motherhood,” a stoic, tearless, child-sacrificing gender ideal constructed by the state throughout the early twentieth century. At the Mothers’ Congress of 1955, mothers from across the country gathered to reclaim motherhood from the state and began to redefine motherhood for themselves in the postwar era. This chapter argues that the Mothers’ Congress represented a moment of transition from the wartime concept of “motherhood in the interest of the state” to the postwar idea of motherhood in the interest of mothers. Furthermore, the influential power of the organizers of Japan’s Mothers’ Congress was fundamental in the creation of the 1955 World Congress of Mothers. This was the first instance in which Japanese women became international feminist leaders, and they did so through the language of matricentric feminism.

scholarly journals POVERTY AND RESPECTABILITY IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CAPE TOWN

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
WAYNE DOOLING
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Racial Segregation ◽  
Cape Town ◽  
Black Population ◽  
Essential Elements ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Highly Porous

AbstractCape Town's black population of the early twentieth century actively pursued lifestyles that might be described as respectable. But respectability was expensive, and poverty —characterised by poor housing, ill health and shortened lifespans — stood in the way of some of its most essential elements: cleanliness, sexual restraint, sobriety, and the creation of nuclear and gendered households. Black respectability, therefore, could not simply replicate that of the dominant white bourgeoisie. Most challenging was the development of rampant black criminality, often seen by contemporary observers as the result of the failure of black women to realise respectable households. Even attempts on the part of the state to create respectable citizenries floundered, partly because these initiatives were incompatible with the policies of racial segregation. The state and the dominant bourgeoisie put their faith in the black elite as the standard-bearers of respectability, but the reality was that the respectability of the ‘superior’ class was frequently indistinguishable from those below, a consequence of the fact that the boundary between these classes was highly porous.

The Process of Creation of National Symbols and Their Adoption in the 1992 Constitution of Mongolia

Inner Asia ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jigjid Boldbaatar ◽  
Caroline Humphrey
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
National Anthem ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Historical Periods

AbstractThe structure and composition of state symbols has evolved and changed through the various historical periods of Mongolian history. This article considers the creation and adoption of the state emblem, standard, flag and national anthem in the Constitution of Mongolia adopted in 1992. Particular attention is paid to the procedures whereby decisions were taken at this important juncture in twentieth-century Mongolian history.

The Creation of the State of Israel, 1947–48

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
Jerome Slater
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Us Economy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Arab States ◽  
State Of Israel

The 1947 UN partition plan divided Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, with Jerusalem designated as an international city. The Zionist leaders “accepted” the plan, but only as a temporary tactic, until Israel could later expand and take over all of historical Palestine. The Palestinians rejected the plan, unwilling to compromise their claim to Palestine and aware of the Zionist expansionist plans. American policies toward the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine were mixed. Roosevelt was sympathetic to Zionist goals, but he was unwilling to jeopardize US ties to the Arab states in the Middle East, especially because of their control of oil vital to the US economy. Similarly, Truman was advised by the State and Defense Departments that it was against the national interests for the United States to support the creation of Israel, but for reasons of both morality and domestic politics, he overrode them.

scholarly journals AGAMA DAN POLITIK DALAM BINGKAI HISTORIS PERKEMBANGAN PEMIKIRAN ISLAM

AHSANA MEDIA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Abd. Ghoffar
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discourses

The tug of war regarding the perception of Islam whether as a series of religious teachings or also at the same time a part of the state system that regulates the political power of the state has actually exposed the surface as a central issue since the end of the nineteenth century and entered the early twentieth century. This perception of Islam is very significant for the development of religious and political discourses which until now are still being discussed. From the discussion of this topic also was born a series of intellectual figures who had filled out the history sheet and carved gold ink through their ideas or concepts about religion and the state that reached the processor of our brain today. Through them we can transfer thoughts so that trans ideas occur. The discussion that is oriented towards Muslim intellectual thinking is very useful for us in order to reformulate our perceptions of religion and politics in order to be more applicable in Islamic and state-of-the-art insight.

Cuba

2019 ◽  
pp. 91-112
Author(s):  
Thomas K. Rudel
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Exchange ◽  
Agricultural Production ◽  
The State ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
Chemical Fertilizers ◽  
Ecological Farming ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Chemical Inputs ◽  
Trade Deals

Cuba became the pre-eminent producer of sugarcane during the early twentieth century through the development of input-intensive, industrial sugarcane plantations. Pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary plantations became extraordinarily reliant on imported inputs like chemical fertilizers to support high levels of production. Favorable trade deals with Soviet bloc countries assured Cubans of a market for their high-priced sugarcane. With the collapse of the Soviet bloc in the early 1990s, this market disappeared, and Cuba no longer had the foreign exchange it needed to purchase foodstuffs for Cuban citizens and chemical fertilizers for sugarcane plantations. Cuban citizens responded to the dearth of food through repeasantization. People began cultivating gardens in cities, and the state began to encourage the creation of small farms. Agro-ecological farming became the favored method of agricultural production because it did not require expensive, imported chemical inputs.

Democracy Out of Joint? The Financial Crisis in Light of Hegel's Philosophy of Right

2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (02) ◽  
pp. 36-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin de Boer
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Financial Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
State Failure ◽  
Current Form ◽  
Inherent Feature ◽  
Wide Availability

The financial crisis that currently besets Europe not only disturbs the life of many citizens, but also affects our economic, political and philosophical theories. Clearly, many of the contributing causes, such as the wide availability of cheap credit after the introduction of the euro, are contingent. Analyses that aim to move beyond such contingent factors tend to highlight the disruptive effects of the neoliberal conception of the market that has become increasingly dominant over the last few decades. Yet while the financial sector has received most of the blame, and rightly so, few commentators seem willing to take into account the role played by representative democracy in its current form. Even if it is granted that actual democratic policies fall short of what they ought to achieve, contemporary representative democracy itself is seldom regarded as part of the tangle it was supposed to resolve. David Merill touches upon this issue when he notes, in the preceding issue of thisBulletin, that ‘the economic dilemmas faced today may be ultimately the consequences of state failure’. The state that has failed to regulate the markets is described as ‘weak’ and ‘subject to external blows, blind to its ends, merely one actor among many in the events of the day’ (Merill 2012: 28). Yet Merill does not seem to consider this weakness to be an inherent feature of the constellation of which contemporary democracy is a part.There are, of course, excellent reasons not to take this path. First, representative democracy has in many cases proved to be the best way of preventing small elites from acquiring political power, and many of the impressive social and political achievements of the twentieth century are the result of democratic processes.

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