The Process of Creation of National Symbols and Their Adoption in the 1992 Constitution of Mongolia

Inner Asia ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jigjid Boldbaatar ◽  
Caroline Humphrey

AbstractThe structure and composition of state symbols has evolved and changed through the various historical periods of Mongolian history. This article considers the creation and adoption of the state emblem, standard, flag and national anthem in the Constitution of Mongolia adopted in 1992. Particular attention is paid to the procedures whereby decisions were taken at this important juncture in twentieth-century Mongolian history.

Author(s):  
Hillary Maxson

In the aftermath of World War II, many Japanese women felt impelled to exorcise “martial motherhood,” a stoic, tearless, child-sacrificing gender ideal constructed by the state throughout the early twentieth century. At the Mothers’ Congress of 1955, mothers from across the country gathered to reclaim motherhood from the state and began to redefine motherhood for themselves in the postwar era. This chapter argues that the Mothers’ Congress represented a moment of transition from the wartime concept of “motherhood in the interest of the state” to the postwar idea of motherhood in the interest of mothers. Furthermore, the influential power of the organizers of Japan’s Mothers’ Congress was fundamental in the creation of the 1955 World Congress of Mothers. This was the first instance in which Japanese women became international feminist leaders, and they did so through the language of matricentric feminism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
WAYNE DOOLING

AbstractCape Town's black population of the early twentieth century actively pursued lifestyles that might be described as respectable. But respectability was expensive, and poverty —characterised by poor housing, ill health and shortened lifespans — stood in the way of some of its most essential elements: cleanliness, sexual restraint, sobriety, and the creation of nuclear and gendered households. Black respectability, therefore, could not simply replicate that of the dominant white bourgeoisie. Most challenging was the development of rampant black criminality, often seen by contemporary observers as the result of the failure of black women to realise respectable households. Even attempts on the part of the state to create respectable citizenries floundered, partly because these initiatives were incompatible with the policies of racial segregation. The state and the dominant bourgeoisie put their faith in the black elite as the standard-bearers of respectability, but the reality was that the respectability of the ‘superior’ class was frequently indistinguishable from those below, a consequence of the fact that the boundary between these classes was highly porous.


Author(s):  
Olha Slon'ovska ◽  

Myths are regarded as the metaphysical engines of the national progress, a specific code-program for the state development, as a vector of the individual mission of an individual nation. In general, the ideological and political myths of national states are metaphorically derived primarily from their national anthems. The anthem is a kind of vaccine against assimilation and is effectively delivered to educate the younger generation in the spirit of civic consciousness. Decadent (frustration) myths destroy the national idea, vitaistic and consolidating myths inspire, compact and unite any nation. The National Anthem, as the primary literary formulation of the national idea, gives impetus to the constant creation by the writers of the myth of the state and the nation as a specific phenomenon at the artistic level. The literary myths of stateless peoples are always preceded by the emergence of their own ideological and political myths as well. Among the most talented passionaries of every «incomplete» nation, there must be a talented philosopher or politician who will be able to verbally formulate the idea of a new ideological-political myth, which will be based on a national idea. Similarly, in the nineteenth century the ideological-political myth for Ukrainians was «Law of God (Book of Being of the Ukrainian People)» by M. Kostomarov. It is natural that this philosophical and propaganda work had a great influence on Kobzar and led to the creation of the literary myth of Ukraine by our national poet-genius, T. Shevchenko. The beginning of the twentieth century for the Ukrainians was marked by the tragic fall of the young state of the UNR. The nation had to start all over again in order to endure. There was a need for a new ideological and political myth of Ukraine of the twentieth century. It was created by Ye. Malaniuk with his own essays about the most talented Ukrainian politicians, including B. Khmelnitskyi and I. Mazepa, as well as M. Hrushevskyi and S. Petliura. In his essays on the past of Ukraine Ye. Malaniuk not only wrote about biographies of bright historical figures, but above all analyzed Ukrainian national victories and tragedies, logically argued mistakes and losses of our nation’s leaders, considered the issues of «his» and «alien», determined a peculiar «doctrine», submitted in a wide typre of «enemy face» of the Ukrainian statehood. Ye. Malaniuk also analyzed the positive and negative features of the Ukrainian mentality, aptly raised the question of passion, foresighted the stages of becoming the future of Ukraine as a sovereign nation-state at the end of the twentieth century. On the basis of his own ideological and political myth, the poet started to create the literary consolidating myth of Ukraine. His initiative was taken by contemporaries of the artist – the most talented writers-modernists of the Ukrainian diaspora of the twentieth century. The concept of the literary myth of Ukraine has been considered by the researcher Olha Slon’ovska; the significant role played by Ye. Malaniuk as a poet and essay writer in creating the literary myth has been revealed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor Isaev ◽  
Arkady Kornev ◽  
Sergey Lipen ◽  
Sergey Zenin

This article explores the historical pattern of the evolution of power technologies. The methodological basis relies on the philosophical movements of the twentieth century (phenomenology, structuralism, etc.) and works by P. Bourdieu, C. Lefort, N. Luhmann, D. Naisbitt, P. Sloterdijk, M. Foucault, O. Spann, F. G. Jünger, N. Elias, and a number of other authors. The creation of technologies for managing society and complex power mechanisms (“power machines”) are a general pattern of social development. The notion of dynamic power balance acts as a mandatory attribute of the management of society and focuses political activity on the constant consideration of numerous phenomena, circumstances, and interests. The state, as the main instrument of political management, seeks to constantly strengthen its power both within and without, and to spread it ever more to new spheres of social relations and territories. But over time, first in the sphere of international law, universal principles are recognised that establish the limits of power and assume the impossibility of strengthening the power of any one state (the idea of political balance of sovereign national states). In domestic politics, the increasing degree of agreement and gradually developing mechanisms of consensus contribute to the reduction of the role played by direct violence and the emergence of a system of institutions that were perceived as legitimate. Previous spontaneous processes and collisions of opposing forces are translated into technical, organisational, normative language – and political dynamics – into static social structures. Chaos and uncertainty are replaced by ideas about the desired ideal and order. The new “power machine” also receives a new justification that is no longer transcendent, but rather rational and technological. Constantly improving and becoming more complex, the “power machine” becomes ever more effective. The “technical” regularities of the organisation and functioning of political power, which determine the new social role of the “power machine”, come to the fore. The state, which is organised into a mechanism with supreme political power and absolute authority, has a decisive influence on the development of society. The transition from a dynastic to a bureaucratic state depersonalises the “power machine”. The figure of a monarch with absolute power dissolves in the hierarchy of numerous officials vested with power. The organisation of power to a large extent separates carriers or subjects of power from their decisions. There is no visible mechanism of power and subordination and the opposite interests of the ruling and the governed. Further, in the twentieth-century industrial revolutions, the “power machine” is forced to adapt to new social realities, i. e. to “network” relations where communication and connections between people and their groups become fundamental. This leads to the creation of new management structures with a plurality of centres.


Author(s):  
Thomas K. Rudel

Cuba became the pre-eminent producer of sugarcane during the early twentieth century through the development of input-intensive, industrial sugarcane plantations. Pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary plantations became extraordinarily reliant on imported inputs like chemical fertilizers to support high levels of production. Favorable trade deals with Soviet bloc countries assured Cubans of a market for their high-priced sugarcane. With the collapse of the Soviet bloc in the early 1990s, this market disappeared, and Cuba no longer had the foreign exchange it needed to purchase foodstuffs for Cuban citizens and chemical fertilizers for sugarcane plantations. Cuban citizens responded to the dearth of food through repeasantization. People began cultivating gardens in cities, and the state began to encourage the creation of small farms. Agro-ecological farming became the favored method of agricultural production because it did not require expensive, imported chemical inputs.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Gibbs

This paper traces the history of the Vietnamese national anthem. It examines the selection of Van Cao's "Tiêên quâân ca" [Advancing Army Song] and the various alternatives that existed during Vietnam's unsettled twentieth century history. The meaning of the national anthem is also compared with an earlier music of the state, the ritual music of the court.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-243
Author(s):  
Anastasiia Varyvonchyk

The purpose of the article is to highlight fashion trends in clothing using traditional Ukrainian embroidery in the 50s of the twentieth century. The methodological foundations of the study are based on historical, art and cultural observations and analysis. Scientific novelty. The article examines historical sources, artifact finds, indicating the presence of embroidered ornamental elements in the decoration of the clothes of the Ukrainians of the indicated period. The manufacture of clothing, including embroidery, on the territory of Ukraine is associated with artisanal and industrial production. The article analyzes the state of embroidery using modern fashion trends in clothing of the 50s of the twentieth century. Conclusions. As a result of the analysis of the art of making clothes of Ukrainian fashion of the 50s. XX century, we can state that the creation of compositionally complete collections of clothes, including those developed using national traditions, was possible due to the unification of the creative efforts of various industries of light industry. Mainly, in the fashion of the 50s, there were cardinal changes in silhouettes and shapes, in accordance with the change in the ideal of beauty. Skirts, straight and flared, came into fashion, pleated skirts, dress-coats, coats, suits made of shaped, overcoat fabrics, which were decorated with metal, leather, wooden buttons, were introduced, taking into account folk ornamental traditions. New styles of dresses were created on a fitted basis with the use of a variety of embroidered ornaments: «roosters», «flowers», embroidered with «nets», «satin stitch», with elements of sewing fabrics along the entire product, etc. The implementation of thematic, original artful designs directed and coordinated the activities of the textile, clothing, knitwear industries. Elements of national clothing with common motives of traditional Ukrainian embroidery attracted special attention in the fashion of that time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Nicolas G. Rosenthal

A vibrant American Indian art scene developed in California from the 1960s to the 1980s, with links to a broader indigenous arts movement. Native American artists working in the state produced and exhibited paintings, prints, sculptures, mixed media, and other art forms that validated and documented their cultures, interpreted their history, asserted their survival, and explored their experiences in modern society. Building on recent scholarship that examines American Indian migration, urbanization, and activism in the twentieth century, this article charts these developments and argues that American Indian artists in California challenged and rewrote dominant historical narratives by foregrounding Native American perspectives in their work.


Author(s):  
VICTOR BURLACHUK

At the end of the twentieth century, questions of a secondary nature suddenly became topical: what do we remember and who owns the memory? Memory as one of the mental characteristics of an individual’s activity is complemented by the concept of collective memory, which requires a different method of analysis than the activity of a separate individual. In the 1970s, a situation arose that gave rise to the so-called "historical politics" or "memory politics." If philosophical studies of memory problems of the 30’s and 40’s of the twentieth century were focused mainly on the peculiarities of perception of the past in the individual and collective consciousness and did not go beyond scientific discussions, then half a century later the situation has changed dramatically. The problem of memory has found its political sound: historians and sociologists, politicians and representatives of the media have entered the discourse on memory. Modern society, including all social, ethnic and family groups, has undergone a profound change in the traditional attitude towards the past, which has been associated with changes in the structure of government. In connection with the discrediting of the Soviet Union, the rapid decline of the Communist Party and its ideology, there was a collapse of Marxism, which provided for a certain model of time and history. The end of the revolutionary idea, a powerful vector that indicated the direction of historical time into the future, inevitably led to a rapid change in perception of the past. Three models of the future, which, according to Pierre Nora, defined the face of the past (the future as a restoration of the past, the future as progress and the future as a revolution) that existed until recently, have now lost their relevance. Today, absolute uncertainty hangs over the future. The inability to predict the future poses certain challenges to the present. The end of any teleology of history imposes on the present a debt of memory. Features of the life of memory, the specifics of its state and functioning directly affect the state of identity, both personal and collective. Distortion of memory, its incorrect work, and its ideological manipulation can give rise to an identity crisis. The memorial phenomenon is a certain political resource in a situation of severe socio-political breaks and changes. In the conditions of the economic crisis and in the absence of a real and clear program for future development, the state often seeks to turn memory into the main element of national consolidation.


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