scholarly journals La red como cronotopo: Internet y prácticas políticas en el Movimiento Estudiantil Colombiano Mane y Occupy São Paulo

Author(s):  
Liliana Galindo Ramírez

This paper compares two movements that emerged during the same 2011 period: the Mane in Colombia and Ocupa Sampa in Brazil. The first is a student movement that has similarities with the cases of Spain and Chile. The second is an urban movement that mixes local factors with many of the symbolic elements of the Occupy movement. The study focuses on the political uses of the internet, analysing battles for visibility in the streets and on the net. The concept of the network as chronotope is used to understand the hybrid forms that integrate online and offline spatio-temporalities. Comparing activity graphs based on the Facebook sites of both movements, a multicentered and a multitemporal social reality emerges: a mixture between several centres and peripheries and between several past-present-future moments that creates a new interpretive framework for the contemporary movements that use digital platforms as Facebook. The network as chronotope is a way to question the current socio-political processes of continuity and change.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-170
Author(s):  
Darya I. Judina ◽  
◽  
Sergei A. Ivanov ◽  

The Internet as a special space for political activity and political communication is becoming more and more attractive to political actors. The intensification of political activity on the Internet leads to the increase of researchers’ interest. One of the prominent areas of this research is the analysis of the efficiency of communication strategies used by politically oriented communities on the Internet. The results of such assessment contribute to, in particular, characterizing the level and features of the political engagement of Internet users into political processes. To study these processes, a telephone survey of residents of St. Petersburg was conducted. St. Petersburg was chosen because it is one of the largest cities in Russia with high Internet coverage and a high level of political activity compared to other regions. The results showed that politically oriented communities effectively implement primary communication strategies — information and presentation. More than two-thirds of politically active Internet users in St. Petersburg noted that visiting the relevant resources helped them to understand the political situation, to define their attitude toward parties, politicians, social movements and organizations. At the same time, the strategy of supporting political identification has not yet worked for the majority of users. Perhaps this is a consequence of the fact that the majority of St. Petersburg citizens have not yet found appropriate political leaders and organizations. The authors found that the majority of Internet users display an interest in politics permanently, and not only during the pre-election period. The hypothesis that one of the factors of an efficient strategy of politically oriented communities is emphasizing anti-power positions was confirmed. The survey results also confirmed the high level of opposition views among Internet users.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511775072 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan Donovan

Networked social movements (NSMs) are hybrid forms of social organization that rely on the platforms of the Internet to connect multiple individuals and groups to address a social justice issue. I mapped the communication infrastructure of the Occupy Movement from July 2011 to June 2013 to demonstrate how changes in protesters’ forms of communication reflected transformations in the organization of the movement and its capacity to mobilize participants. Through ethnography, I show how internal and external pressures—the high density of connections through social media, a desire to coordinate across locations, and police raids on encampments—led to the development of a virtual organization, called InterOccupy. InterOccupy is a communication platform owned and operated by participants in the Occupy Movement. InterOccupy took infrastructure building as a political strategy to ensure the movement endured beyond the police raids on the encampments. I conclude that NSMs create virtual organizations when there are routine and insurmountable failures in the communication milieu, where the future of the movement is at stake. My research follows the Occupy Movement ethnographically to understand what happens after the keyword.


Author(s):  
Sadhvi Dar

What is the relationship between digital imaginaries and whiteness? Following recent calls to investigate the juncture between whiteness and the internet, this chapter seeks to provide a critique of imagery posted on Facebook in the aftermath of 'terror attacks' in Paris 2015. The author renders these images as structured by deep forms of white world-making, ways of thinking and feeling that reproduce whiteness as ethically superior, innocent, and in need of preserving at the cost of non-white knowledges and peoples. In this chapter, the author argues that the internet provides yet another site for whiteness to engage in white world-making by extending the white gaze to digital platforms in the service of transforming the violence of Paris into a racialised attack on white innocence. As such, the Paris images are understood as responding to and perpetuating a digital imaginary in which the political capacities of images relate to an ethics of violence to the non-white Muslim body.


wisdom ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
Astghik Petrosyan

In the 21st century the Internet and information technologies form new opportunities for political participation. The Internet wide coverage has created unprecedented opportunities for dissemination of information on social-political processes, for enlargement of the aware sector and for their active involvement in social-political processes. Use of the Internet in politics leads to the evolution of the conventional model of political participation, thus, securing the impact of broad masses on the political decision-making processes. Political Internet participation makes it possible to overcome such obstacles as time and distance. The political discourse that had acquired features of horizontal communication is turning into a multi-component, multi-lateral model of interactive communication. The article presents the role and influence of the Internet and means of electronic communication on political ongoings and participatory processes. An analysis is given on the role of the Internet and information technologies in the revolutionary events and power turnover processes of 2018 in Armenia. The author come to the conclusion that neutralization of abuses and risks of the opportunities given by continually developing technologies, supposes not only philosophical consideration but also moral and legal studies and practical mechanisms.


Comunicar ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (46) ◽  
pp. 19-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Serrano-Puche

Emotions have become increasingly important in our time, in all realms of social reality. This revaluation of the affective dimension of the person is revealed in its common presence as subject of research in many fields of knowledge. Also in Media and Communications studies, and specifically in relation to the use of digital technology, there is an academic interest in emotions. This paper maps the field of study where emotions and digital technology converge, specifically in the use of the Internet. There appears a vibrant, wide and complex field of study in which come together approaches of different types, both on the theoretical plane and on the methodological one. The article provides an overview of research carried out in this subject, which includes the study of social media as spaces of interaction where emotions are displayed, the massivescale emotional contagion or the sentiment analysis in the digital platforms, among other topics. We conclude that the Net not only arouses emotions in users and serves as a channel for the expression of affection, but also influences the way in which this affection is modulated and displayed, as well as the configuration of the personal identity of the users of the Internet. Las emociones han adquirido una importancia creciente en nuestra época, en todos los ámbitos de la sociedad. Esta revalorización de la dimensión afectiva de la persona se ha reflejado, a su vez, en su inclusión como objeto de estudio en investigaciones de numerosas ramas del saber. También dentro de los estudios en Comunicación, y en concreto en relación con la tecnología digital, existe un interés académico por las emociones. Por medio de una profunda revisión bibliográfica, en este trabajo se traza un mapa del campo de estudio en el que convergen las emociones y la tecnología digital; más concretamente, en el uso de Internet. En él se advierte un campo de investigación vibrante, amplio y complejo, en el que confluyen aproximaciones de diferente tipo, tanto en el plano teórico como en el metodológico. El artículo presenta un panorama de las investigaciones realizadas en esta materia, que abarca desde el estudio de las redes sociales como espacios de interacción en el que las emociones son expresadas, el contagio emocional a gran escala o el análisis de sentimientos en las plataformas digitales. Se concluye que la Red no sólo despierta emociones en sus usuarios y sirve de cauce para la expresión de los afectos, sino que también influye en el modo en que dicho afecto se modula y despliega, así como en la configuración de la identidad de la persona.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Laylo Begimkulova ◽  

In this article, the author, on the basis of historical primary sources, highlights the role and influence of the great emirs Shaikh Nuriddin and Shokhmalik on the political processes that took place after the death of Amir Temur and the subsequent development of events.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


Author(s):  
Tamara Vázquez-Barrio ◽  
Teresa Torrecillas-Lacave ◽  
Rebeca Suárez-Álvarez

Traditional television coexists with formats that originated on the internet, as well as on-demand consumption, paid television, and other audio-visual content distribution platforms. Audience data reveal a steady decline in television viewership, and digital technologies now allow any citizen to produce audio-visual content and distribute it for mass consumption through the internet. Given this new audio-visual ecosystem, the aim of this research is to ascertain whether there are any signs of a crisis regarding the dominance of television as a means of disseminating the products of the culture industry. Disinterest or indifference toward conventional programming by users would reveal a danger to the broadcast industry. In contrast, the consumption of television products through other channels would imply the retention of television audiences through the internet. This study analyzes perceptions regarding television through five online discussion groups. Three conclusions can be drawn: Firstly, television holds a prominent place in the daily lives of those who use it, including the youngest participants, despite the fact that audiences have declined in recent years. The second conclusion states that the perception of television is positive and associated with disengagement, relaxation, and family gatherings, which can be combined with individual consumption at other times of the day. As a third conclusion, this study reveals the high degree of compatibility between the internet and television screens, as new forms of consumption are emerging, yet there is still a predominant interest in content on television and from the mass culture industry. Resumen La televisión tradicional convive con formatos originados en internet, con el consumo bajo demanda, con la televisión de pago y con otras plataformas de distribución de contenido audiovisual. Los datos de audiencias muestran un descenso continuado de telespectadores y las tecnologías digitales permiten a cualquier ciudadano producir contenidos audiovisuales y distribuirlos para el consumo masivo a través de la Red. Ante este nuevo ecosistema audiovisual, el objetivo de esta investigación es comprobar si se pueden advertir signos de una crisis de la supremacía del televisor como medio de difusión de industria cultural. El desapego o indiferencia de los usuarios hacia la programación convencional evidenciaría un peligro para la televisión. Al contrario, el consumo de productos televisivos a través de otras pantallas implicaría el mantenimiento de las audiencias televisivas a través de internet. La investigación analiza las percepciones sobre la televisión mediante cinco grupos de discusión online. Se extraen tres conclusiones. La primera, que la televisión ocupa una posición relevante en la cotidianeidad de los participantes, incluidos los más jóvenes, a pesar de que las audiencias han descendido en los últimos años. La segunda, que la percepción sobre la televisión es positiva y se asocia a la desconexión, el relax y a un momento de reunión familiar compaginable con consumos individualizados en otros momentos del día. Tercera, el estudio demuestra el alto grado de compatibilidad entre internet y la pantalla del televisor porque surgen nuevas formas de consumo, pero se mantiene un interés predominante por los contenidos televisivos y de la gran industria cultural.


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