The comparative agendas project in Latin America: data and coding

Abstract This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding.

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O Projeto de Agendas Políticas da Colômbia: análise da atenção presidencial durante as administrações de Uribe e Santos (2002-2018)

Revista de Administração Pública ◽

10.1590/0034-761220190447 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 54 (6) ◽

pp. 1565-1587

Author(s):

Juan Guillermo Vieira Silva ◽

Jeraldine Alicia del Cid Castro

Keyword(s):

Public Policy ◽

Latin America ◽

Political System ◽

Opportunity Structure ◽

Policy Issues ◽

The Creation ◽

Over Time

Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.

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The Colombian Political Agendas Project: analysing presidential attention during the administrations of Uribe and Santos (2002-2018)

Revista de Administração Pública ◽

10.1590/0034-761220190447x ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 54 (6) ◽

pp. 1565-1587

Author(s):

Juan Guillermo Vieira Silva ◽

Jeraldine Alicia del Cid Castro

Keyword(s):

Public Policy ◽

Latin America ◽

Political System ◽

Opportunity Structure ◽

Policy Issues ◽

The Creation ◽

Over Time

Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.

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The Leadership Capital of Italian Presidents

10.1093/oso/9780198783848.003.0012 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Selena Grimaldi

Keyword(s):

Political System ◽

Italian Context ◽

Over Time

Recently, Italian presidents have become pivotal figures, deeply affecting the direction of the Italian political system, exercising influence far beyond their previous role as constitutional guardians. The aim of this chapter is to understand how Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, and Giorgio Napolitano have gained and spent ever greater amounts of power. The analysis is based on the LCI approach; however, the indicators used by Bennister et al. (2015) have been adapted both to the Italian context and to ‘institutionally’ constrained leaders. The LCI allows the traceability of power over time, revealing how each president has built on others’ strengths but all have encountered similar limits: while Italian presidents can spend their capital in focused areas, too overt attempts to act politically can erode their capital by damaging their perceived neutrality and moral probity.

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Islamists between revolution and the state: an epilogue

Contemporary Arab Affairs ◽

10.1080/17550912.2014.917818 ◽

2014 ◽

Vol 7 (2) ◽

pp. 283-298 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Abdul Ghani Imad

Keyword(s):

Political System ◽

Arab World ◽

The State ◽

Social Needs ◽

Political Actors ◽

The Social ◽

The Face ◽

Heavy Burden ◽

New Type ◽

Political Realities

The problematic addressed in this article is the challenge initiated by the Arab revolutions to reform the Arab political system in such a way as to facilitate the incorporation of ‘democracy’ at the core of its structure. Given the profound repercussions, this issue has become the most serious matter facing the forces of change in the Arab world today; meanwhile, it forms the most prominent challenge and the most difficult test confronting Islamists. The Islamist phenomenon is not an alien implant that descended upon us from another planet beyond the social context or manifestations of history. Thus it cannot but be an expression of political, cultural, and social needs and crises. Over the years this phenomenon has presented, through its discourse, an ideological logic that falls within the context of ‘advocacy’; however, today Islamists find themselves in office, and in a new context that requires them to produce a new type of discourse that pertains to the context of a ‘state’. Political participation ‘tames’ ideology and pushes political actors to rationalize their discourse in the face of daily political realities and the necessity of achievement. The logic of advocacy differs from that of the state: in the case of advocacy, ideology represents an enriching asset, whereas in the case of the state, it constitutes a heavy burden. This is one reason why so much discourse exists within religious jurisprudence related to interest or necessity or balancing outcomes. This article forms an epilogue to the series of articles on religion and the state published in previous issues of this journal. It adopts the methodologies of ‘discourse analysis’ and ‘case studies’ in an attempt to examine the arguments presented by Islamists under pressure from the opposition. It analyses the experiences, and the constraints, that inhibit the production of a ‘model’, and monitors the development of the discourse, its structure, and transformations between advocacy, revolution and the state.

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Is there an imbalance in the supply and demand for universal accessibility knowledge? Twenty years of UAIS papers viewed through the lens of WCAG

Universal Access in the Information Society ◽

10.1007/s10209-021-00834-y ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Frode Eika Sandnes

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

North America ◽

Supply And Demand ◽

Research Focus ◽

Universal Accessibility ◽

Geographical Regions ◽

Research Profile ◽

The Impact ◽

Over Time

AbstractPurpose: Some universal accessibility practitioners have voiced that they experience a mismatch in the research focus and the need for knowledge within specialized problem domains. This study thus set out to identify the balance of research into the main areas of accessibility, the impact of this research, and how the research profile varies over time and across geographical regions. Method: All UAIS papers indexed in Scopus were analysed using bibliometric methods. The WCAG taxonomy of accessibility was used for the analysis, namely perceivable, operable, and understandable. Results: The results confirm the expectation that research into visual impairment has received more attention than papers addressing operable and understandable. Although papers focussing on understandable made up the smallest group, papers in this group attracted more citations. Funded research attracted fewer citations than research without funding. The breakdown of research efforts appears consistent over time and across different geographical regions. Researchers in Europe and North America have been active throughout the last two decades, while Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Middle East became active in during the last five years. There is also seemingly a growing trend of out-of-scope papers. Conclusions: Based on the findings, several recommendations are proposed to the UAIS editorial board.

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Accepting Regional Zero: Nuclear Weapon Free Zones, U.S. Nonproliferation Policy and Global Security, 1957–1968

Journal of Cold War Studies ◽

10.1162/jcws_a_00547 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 17 (2) ◽

pp. 36-72 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

James Stocker

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Nuclear Weapon ◽

Security Policy ◽

The United States ◽

Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽

Nuclear Strategy ◽

The World ◽

History Of ◽

The U.S ◽

Over Time

Nuclear weapon free zones (NWFZs) were an important development in the history of nuclear nonproliferation efforts. From 1957 through 1968, when the Treaty of Tlatelolco was signed, the United States struggled to develop a policy toward NWFZs in response to efforts around the world to create these zones, including in Europe, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Many within the U.S. government initially rejected the idea of NWFZs, viewing them as a threat to U.S. nuclear strategy. However, over time, a preponderance of officials came to see the zones as advantageous, at least in certain areas of the world, particularly Latin America. Still, U.S. policy pertaining to this issue remained conservative and reactive, reflecting the generally higher priority given to security policy than to nuclear nonproliferation.

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Chile: Christian Democracy to Marxism

The Review of Politics ◽

10.1017/s0034670500013358 ◽

1971 ◽

Vol 33 (3) ◽

pp. 323-341

Author(s):

Michael J. Francis ◽

Hernan Vera-Godoy

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Foreign Aid ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Political System ◽

Christian Democracy ◽

The World ◽

Per Capita ◽

The Government ◽

Basic Alternative

Increasingly alone as a stable republican nation in Latin America, Chile has long been a favorite subject for North American scholars and journalists. Every six years, as it faces a presidential election, the world press breathlessly rediscovers that this long slim country confronts its public problems within the framework of a developed, democratic political system. When in 1964 Chile placed a young idealistic party in power behind Eduardo Frei, an unquestionably intelligent figure of austere but charismatic bearing, this country became a favorite model for the advocates of democratic reformism in Latin America and soon was receiving the highest United States foreign aid per capita in Latin America. Thus it came as a shock that the Chilean electorate could turn its back on Frei's administration in 1970 by favoring the rightist and Marxist candidates. For those who saw in the government of Frei a basic alternative to Marxist models for Latin America, the free election of an avowed Marxist as the President of Chile presents additional problems.

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A review of Sharp's types of Aleochara from Latin America (Coleoptera: Staphylinidae)

Insect Systematics & Evolution ◽

10.1163/187631289x00465 ◽

1989 ◽

Vol 20 (1) ◽

pp. 1-14 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Jan Klimaszewski

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

South America ◽

North American ◽

Additional Information ◽

First Time

AbstractA review of David Sharp's types of Aleochara from Mexico, and Central and South America is presented. Nineteen species are treated here, one of which is described as new (A. felixiana), seven are redescribed [A. angusticeps Sharp, A. funestior Sharp, A. mexicana Sharp, A. oxypodia Sharp, A. simulatrix Sharp, A. gracilis (Sharp), and A. duplicata (Sharp)] and one [A. miradoris Sharp] is put in synonymy under A. mexicana Sharp. The remaining ten species were treated in my 1984-revision of North American Aleochara but are here included in a checklist with references to description, redescription, and illustrations. Some additional information is provided for previously synonymized A. torquata Sharp (= A. sallaei Sharp), and for A. quadrata Sharp. Illustrations of genitalic structures of both sexes are provided for the first time for the seven redescribed species. Lectotypes are designated for A. angusticeps, A. duplicata, A. funestior, A. mexicana, and A. oxypodia.

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Inequality, Exclusion, and Tolerance for Political Dissent in Latin America

Comparative Political Studies ◽

10.1177/0010414021997163 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 001041402199716

Author(s):

Jana Morgan ◽

Nathan J. Kelly

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Social Inclusion ◽

Political Tolerance ◽

Time Analysis ◽

Political Dissent ◽

Structural Context ◽

Democratic Rights ◽

Over Time ◽

Cross National

Although many countries meet electoral standards of democracy, often these regimes fail to promote social inclusion or meaningful representation. We argue that systems of exclusion have deleterious consequences for how people think about democracy, undermining tolerance for political dissent. Using cross-national public opinion data together with contextual measures of economic and political marginalization along ethnoracial lines, we evaluate the relationships between exclusion and political tolerance across Latin America. Over-time analysis in Bolivia further probes the mechanisms linking exclusion to intolerance. We find that tolerance of dissent is depressed where ethnoracial hierarchies are pronounced. We advance understanding of oft-unexplained society-level differences in political tolerance and emphasize the importance of the macro-structural context in shaping citizens’ commitments to basic democratic rights.

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