The Leadership Capital of Italian Presidents

Author(s):  
Selena Grimaldi

Recently, Italian presidents have become pivotal figures, deeply affecting the direction of the Italian political system, exercising influence far beyond their previous role as constitutional guardians. The aim of this chapter is to understand how Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, and Giorgio Napolitano have gained and spent ever greater amounts of power. The analysis is based on the LCI approach; however, the indicators used by Bennister et al. (2015) have been adapted both to the Italian context and to ‘institutionally’ constrained leaders. The LCI allows the traceability of power over time, revealing how each president has built on others’ strengths but all have encountered similar limits: while Italian presidents can spend their capital in focused areas, too overt attempts to act politically can erode their capital by damaging their perceived neutrality and moral probity.

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1565-1587
Author(s):  
Juan Guillermo Vieira Silva ◽  
Jeraldine Alicia del Cid Castro

Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.


2018 ◽  
pp. 142-171
Author(s):  
Devin Caughey

This chapter conducts a systematic statistical analysis of congressional representation in the one-party South. Overall, the evidence presented in the previous chapters suggests a political system that was responsive not to a narrow elite only, but to a broad swath of the white public. As such, this chapter examines the responsiveness of Southern members of Congress (MCs) to their white constituents, both cross-sectionally and over time, and compares them to non-Southern MCs. It also shows that Southern MCs responded to the income of the median voter, and examines their ideological bias relative to non-Southern MCs. The chapter then highlights the ways that congressional representation did differ across regions, and discusses how these findings help resolve the “puzzle” of Southern conservatism. In marked contrast to the conventional wisdom, this chapter not only shows that Southern MCs were responsive to their white constituents, but also finds little indication that congressional responsiveness was weaker in the one-party South than in the two-party North, though the mechanisms and character of responsiveness did differ between regions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-176
Author(s):  
Christian Schafferer

Taiwan’s postwar political system has undergone manifold changes leading to distinct modalities of democratic governance. This paper argues that the key to understanding and conceptualizing the dynamics behind the evolution of the island republic’s different modi operandi of democratic governance lies in the dialectic of Taiwanese nationalism that emerged over several decades in response to historical and political circumstances. Specifically, this paper investigates how this dialectic shaped two distinct patterns of democratic governance (statecentric vs. human-centric) over time and how this process was influenced by public discourses as well as historical contingencies. Furthermore, the paper elaborates on why humancentrism is more likely to safeguard democratic development and regional security than China-centrism.


Author(s):  
Renáta Mikešová ◽  
Tomáš Kostelecký

Election laws regulate the number of deputies who are elected in individual electoral districts, and set them in relation to the population, respectively to the number of voters participating in elections in individual regions. Elected deputies could thus be regarded as political representatives of citizens living in electoral districts. However, under systems of proportional representation, current deputies represent the ideology of the party to which they belong rather than the region. Nevertheless, it makes sense to study the spatial distribution of the places of origin and residence of members of parliament and their changes over time, because it suggests much about the political system and the system of representative democracy in the country. The spatial distribution of places of residence of candidates and elected members indicates not only the territorial proportionality and geographic representativeness, but also the shifting centers of political power. The analysis clearly confirms the gradual decentralization and regionalization of political power in the country, which stands in contrast to the centralization of power in the economy, this latter trend apparent from the concentration of economic management and decision-making in the largest cities, especially in Prague.


Author(s):  
Mads Dagnis Jensen ◽  
Peter Nedergaard

The Danish EU coordination system is set up to secure a consensus-oriented and consistent positioning of Denmark in the EU decision-making process. It was established in connection with Danish membership in 1973, but it has roots that go further back. Over time, the Danish coordination system has undergone changes with increased decentralization to the sectoral ministries, through parliamentarization, and via increased transnationalization with linkages to the administrations in the EU and other EU member states. The system secures that the negotiators have a high degree of credibility in the eyes of other delegations, and it ensures a high score when it comes to implementation of EU legislation in Denmark. However, it also has some disadvantages. The key coordination lens in the form of the European Affairs Committee of the Danish Parliament is overloaded, and it is often involved too late in the Brussels negotiations. All in all, the Danish EU coordination system corresponds to the way the Danish political system works in other venues.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 735-765
Author(s):  
Joanna Bielecka-Prus

Abstract In this article I discuss the social roles of Polish sociologists in the period between 1945 and 1989. Sociologists in Poland are assumed to have constituted a heterogeneous group representing various attitudes towards the political system. Over time, they defined their intellectual role in public discourse differently. This picture remains incomplete without consideration of some crucial aspects: whether there were ways in which sociologists neutralized their participation in building the regime; and the techniques used for evasion and “legal criticism” of the system. The analysis is based on my comments of well-known sociologists published in the press and in books. Issues discussed include the function of sociology, the role of sociologists in a socialist country, and the position of sociology among other sciences and political doctrines.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 865-878 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon S. Black

Professionalization, in customary usage, refers to the assimilation of the standards and values prevalent in a given profession. Every profession, including politics, tends to have some set or sets of values that are widely held and which define what it means to be a “professional” within that field. These values are important because they affect the likelihood that the individual will achieve success in his profession. If the values are widely held, those that deviate from them are likely to be sanctioned by their colleagues, and people who fail to maintain the minimal standards of their profession are not likely to obtain professional advancement. Those who do behave according to the dominant values of their profession, however, are likely to be accorded the status of “professional” in the eyes of their colleagues, and that designation will contribute to the success of their careers.In the profession of politics, as in other professions, there is seldom one set of standards and values that prevails in all places at all times. These normative elements are likely to vary from political system to political system, to vary within a political system, and to vary within the profession of politics over time. In a highly centralized local political organization, for example, the achievement and maintenance of a position is likely to depend upon such values as deference and loyalty to the leaders of the political hierarchy.


1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christel Lane

Every political system must secure compliance with its commands on the part of the ruled; the methods applied to achieve this vary from society to society and within societies over time. One way of gaining compliance is for political elites to establish the legitimacy of the political system, of their position within it, and of the commands that are issued. Political power can be said to be legitimate when, in the words of Sternberger, it is exercised both with a consciousness on the part of the elite that it has a right to govern and with some recognition by the ruled of that right. Both this consciousness of the right to govern and its acknowledgement by the ruled is derived from some source of authorization which may change over time. This paper will focus on the conscious attempts of Soviet political elites from the early sixties onwards to change their strategy of gaining compliance by reducing reliance on coercion and strengthening political legitimacy. It will draw attention to their efforts to develop a new source of authorization and to employ a new legitimation procedure. In developing the theoretical argument the Weberian typology of legitimate rule will be employed, and this approach to the topic will be contrasted with that adopted by T. H. Rigby in two recent publications.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1526-1545
Author(s):  
Shaun Bevan ◽  
Anna M Palau

Abstract This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding.


UK Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 3-15
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick
Keyword(s):  
System P ◽  
The Uk ◽  

The Introduction asks: what do we mean when we talk about politics? On one level, politics is about the interactions between people. However, more specifically, it is about how a society is run. The term for this is ‘governance’. Governance involves who makes the decisions, how they make decisions, and how they put those decisions into effect. This first chapter relates this definition to the UK political system as it exists today. It provides a short analysis of the effectiveness of the UK system in terms of how it has evolved and what changes have been made over time. It takes a brief look at how the onset of the Coronavirus pandemic has shown up problems in the UK political system.


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