scholarly journals O Comparative Agendas Project na América Latina: dados e codificação

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1526-1545
Author(s):  
Shaun Bevan ◽  
Anna M Palau
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
North American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Coding System ◽  
Process Data ◽  
Reliable System ◽  
New Type ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Policy Attention

Abstract This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding.

scholarly journals The comparative agendas project in Latin America: data and coding

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1526-1545
Author(s):  
Shaun Bevan ◽  
Anna M Palau
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
North American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Coding System ◽  
Process Data ◽  
Reliable System ◽  
New Type ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Policy Attention ◽  
Comparative Policy

Abstract This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding.

scholarly journals O Projeto de Agendas Políticas da Colômbia: análise da atenção presidencial durante as administrações de Uribe e Santos (2002-2018)

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 1565-1587
Author(s):  
Juan Guillermo Vieira Silva ◽  
Jeraldine Alicia del Cid Castro
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Political System ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Over Time

Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.

Sailing against the Wind: The Rise and Crisis of a Low-Conflict Progressivism

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-99
Author(s):  
Gustavo Codas Friedmann ◽  
Claudio A. Castelo Branco Puty
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Social Liberalism ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Established Order

The governments of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) in Brazil (2003– 2016) were part of a cycle of progressive governments in Latin America whose differences are more specific to the conditions of political struggle in each country—the conditions of arrival in government, the structure of the political system—than fundamentally programmatic. They can be characterized as a low-conflict progressivism in that, although there was no promotion of a neoliberal agenda on the model of European social liberalism, there was accommodation within the framework of the established order that was ultimately fundamental to the success of the 2016 parliamentary-judicial coup. Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no Brasil (2003 a 2016) fizeram parte de um ciclo de governos progressistas na América Latina cujas diferenças dizem mais respeito às condições específicas de luta política em cada país—nas condições de chegada ao governo, na estrutura do sistema político—do que uma diferença programática fundamental. Podem-se caracterizar os governos do PT de um progressismo de baixo conflito à medida em que, não obstante não ter havido a promoção de uma agenda neoliberal nos padrões do social-liberalismo europeu, houve uma acomodação aos marcos da ordem estabelecida que, em última medida, foram fundamentais para o sucesso do golpe judiciário-parlamentar de 2016.

scholarly journals La Historia Local en América Latina. Tendencias, corrientes y perspectivas en el siglo XX

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Serrano Alvarez
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
North American ◽  
Local History ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Theoretical Conception ◽  
Regional History ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Siglo Xx

El texto ofrece un enfoque general sobre las tendencias historiográficas,  problemas y temas de la historia regional y local en latinoamericana. En particular a partir del impacto de la historiografía europea y norteamericana en el subcontinente. El autor ofrece su concepción reflexiva y teórica sobre el significado de  la historia local, y de un modo crítico advierte sobre sus limitaciones y alcances en la profesionalización de la disciplina a partir de las siguientes preguntas: ¿qué es historia local o regional?, ¿cuáles son las perspectivas que se vislumbran de este género de la disciplina histórica en Latinoamérica?, ¿para qué hacer historia local, regional, o microhistoria?, ¿cómo se cultiva este género en América Latina? y finalmente, ¿qué significa hacer este tipo de Historia en nuestros países?Palabras clave: historiografía, estudios regionales y locales, América Latina.Local history in Latin America: Tendencies, trends, and perspectives in the 20th century AbstractThe text offers a general focus on the historiographical tendencies, problems, and topics of regional and local history in Latin America; in particular, starting from the impact of European and North American historiography on the subcontinent. The author offers his reflective and theoretical conception of the meaning of local history, and, in a critical style, warns against the limitations and extent of the professionalization of the discipline by using the following questions: What is local or regional history? What are the perspectives which are seen in this genre of historical discipline in Latin America? Why should we do local, regional, or micro-history? How is this genre cultivated in Latin America? And, finally, What does it mean to do this kind of history in our countries? Keywords: historiography, regional and local studies, Latin America.

Populism and Its Authoritarian Tendencies: The Politics of Division in Bolivia

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110529
Author(s):  
Ben M. McKay ◽  
Gonzalo Colque
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
State Power ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Social Bases ◽  
Political Exile ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

Evo Morales rose to power on the shoulders of Bolivia’s most powerful social movements, ostracizing the neoliberal elite with a progressive-left populist discourse that swept through Latin America. After nearly 14 years in power, Morales’s caudillo-style leadership shifted toward authoritarianism and a politics of division that ultimately led to his ouster as president. While many have been quick to adopt the narrative of a coup d’état, this perspective plays directly into the oversimplified binary politics used by the Morales administration, overlooking the complexity and fluidity of social forces and the changing state-society dynamics over time. Evo Morales suffered a crisis of legitimacy that was years in the making. His authoritarian tendencies, alliances with classes of capital, and reliance on the extractive economy ultimately led to his downfall as he lost support from his social bases and was unwilling to give up state power. The electoral scandal in October 2019 and the subsequent departure of Evo Morales into political exile were only the tip of the iceberg. Evo Morales accedió al poder gracias a los movimientos sociales más poderosos de Bolivia, en conflicto con la élite neoliberal y utilizando un discurso populista de izquierda progresista que se extendió por América Latina. Después de casi 14 años en el poder, el liderazgo caudillista de Morales viró hacia el autoritarismo y una política divisoria que finalmente llevó a su destitución como presidente. Si bien muchos se han apresurado a adoptar la narrativa de un golpe de Estado, esta perspectiva se enfila directamente con la política binaria simplista utilizada por la administración misma de Morales, pasando por alto la complejidad y fluidez de las fuerzas sociales, así como la dinámica cambiante estado-sociedad a través del tiempo. Morales sufrió una crisis de legitimidad que se gestó durante años. Sus tendencias autoritarias, sus alianzas con las clases capitalistas y su dependencia de la economía extractiva finalmente llevaron a su caída: perdió el apoyo de sus bases sociales sin estar dispuesto a renunciar al poder estatal. El escándalo electoral de octubre de 2019 y su posterior exilio político fueron tan solo la punta del iceberg.

scholarly journals HISPANISM AND THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF COLONIAL LATIN AMERICA: NORTH AMERICAN TRENDS

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 92-122
Author(s):  
Kris Lane
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
North American ◽  
Colonial Latin America ◽  
America Latina

El hispanismo o la fascinación por todo lo “español” tienen una larga tradición en los Estados Unidos. El fenómeno ha tenido tanto manifestaciones populares como académicas, y por lo tanto debe tratarse de una manera amplia cuando se tiene en cuenta la historiografía de la América Latina colonial producida por académicos anglófonos, tanto dentro como fuera de los EE. UU. Los apologistas, críticos y todos los demás han tenido que lidiar con el legado hispano en las Américas, tanto en lo cultural como en lo religioso, económico, ambiental y de otro tipo. Este ensayo rastrea las principales preocupaciones o preguntas “hispanas” que generaron subcampos académicos y escuelas durante el último cuarto de siglo más o menos entre los anglófonos que investigan sobre América Latina colonial. La pregunta sigue siendo: ¿En qué medida el hispanismo o la preocupación por los múltiples legados coloniales de España han impulsado estas tendencias historiográficas? ¿Se ha desvanecido el hispanismo o simplemente ha tomado nuevas formas?

scholarly journals 50 anos de renovação da Igreja na América Latina: aprendizados da história

2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (311) ◽  
pp. 723
Author(s):  
João Décio Passos
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
The Poor ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Church ◽  
Over Time

A reflexão apresenta os pontos principais do processo de renovação eclesial ocorrido na América Latina, segundo a pauta do aggiornamento conciliar. Expõe os tópicos centrais dessa renovação e o decorrente arrefecimento que vai sofrendo no decorrer do tempo. Afirma a necessidade de que toda reforma atinja a esfera estrutural da instituição para que possa sobreviver historicamente com seus princípios e pautas. Afirma também a validade emblemática do carisma renovador da Igreja dos pobres, demarcado na Conferência de Medellín, para os dias de hoje, tanto nas Igrejas do continente, quanto para as reformas colocadas em marcha pelo Papa Francisco no conjunto da Igreja.Abstract: The reflection presents the main points of the process of ecclesial renewal that took place in Latin America, according to the agenda of the conciliar aggiornamento. It exposes the central topics of this renewal and the resulting cooling that will suffer over time. It affirms the need for any reform to reach the structural sphere of the institution so that it can survive historically with its principles and guidelines. It also affirms the emblematic validity of the renewing charism of the Church of the poor, set out in the Medellin Conference, for the present day, both in the Churches of the continent and in the reforms proposed by Pope Francisco in the Church as a whole.Keywords: Latin America; Francis; Church; The Poor and Ecclesial Reform.

Evolving Relationships: Nicaragua, Israel, and the Palestinians

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-163
Author(s):  
Marshall Yurow
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
The Past ◽  
Special Place ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Over Time

Nicaragua occupies a special place in the Israeli-Palestinian impact on Latin America. Israeli–Somoza Dynasty ties and Palestinian-Sandinista ties have been well documented over the past 35 years. Yet while the facts are available, the interpretations are still fiercely debated. Both relationships have been portrayed largely in polemical terms. The Israeli-Somoza relationship was viewed as a pariah-state alliance or a “debt of honor.” The Sandinista-Palestinian relationship was viewed as a terrorist connection or brotherhood against a common enemy. Both relationships were seen as static when in fact, having begun as realpolitik, they evolved over time. Nicaragua ocupa un lugar especial en cuanto al impacto israelí-palestino en América Latina. Los lazos israelí-dinastía Somoza y los vínculos palestino-Sandinistas han sido bien documentados en los últimos 35 años. Sin embargo, aunque los hechos están conocidos, las interpretaciones siguen intensamente debatidas. Ambas relaciones han sido presentadas en gran medida en términos polémicos. La relación israelí-Somoza fue vista como una alianza de estados parias o una “deuda de honor.” La relación Sandinista-palestina fue vista como una conexión terrorista o hermandad contra un enemigo común. Ambas relaciones se consideraron estáticas cuando, de hecho, comenzando como realpolitik, evolucionaron con el tiempo.

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