scholarly journals Violence in Venezuela: oil rent and political crisis

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Briceño-León

This article analyzes the changes in violence in Venezuela during the last forty years. It links the ups and downs of the oil revenues and the political crisis of the country to the changes in the homicide rates, which increased from 7 per 100 thousand inhabitants in 1970 to 12 in 1990, 19 in 1998 and 50 in 2003. The article characterizes Venezuela as a rentist society and shows its trajectory from rural violence to the beginning of urban violence, the guerilla movements of the 60s, the delinquent violence related to the abundance of oil revenues and the violence during the popular revolt and the sackings of 1989 in Caracas. After this, we analyze the coups d'état of 1992 and the influence the political violence exerted upon criminal violence. We describe the political and party changes in the country, their influence upon the stabilization of homicide rates since the mid-90s and their remarkable increase during the H. Chávez government. The article finishes with an analysis of the current situation, the official prohibition to publish statistics on homicides and with some thoughts about the perspective of greater violence in Venezuela.

Author(s):  
Danny Orbach

The soldiers and sailors of Imperial Japan (1868–1945) are often presented in Western popular publications as obedient robots, unblinkingly following their commanders to certain death. In fact, however, the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy were among the most disobedient military forces in modern history. Structural flaws in the political code of the early Japanese state, as well as a series of misguided reforms to the Army, incubated an ideology of military independence from civilian rule. The Army, placed directly under the Emperor, did not institutionally believe it had to unconditionally obey the civilian government. Even worse, generals used their connections with the sovereign as an excuse for their individual disobedience. In the 1920s, this ideology of military independence converged with a subculture of insubordination from below, recalling revolutionary traditions of the mid-19th century. According to this ideology, prevalent among both officers and civilian activists, spontaneous political violence was justified when motivated by sincere patriotism and imperial loyalty. By the 1930s, insubordination from above and from below converged to produce a strong sense of military superiority, independence from any kind of civilian supervision, and endemic violence. The result was an unending series of unauthorized military operations, political assassinations, and coups d’état. These terrified the civilian leadership and eventually drove Japan to imperial overreach and disastrous, unwinnable wars.


1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (10) ◽  
pp. 8-9
Author(s):  
James Painter

In March 1986, when Vinicio Cerezo became Guatemala's first elected civilian president since 1966, there were high hopes that he could bring an end to the political violence which had disfigured the country's recent past. Over two years later, it is plain that he has been unable to wrest real power from the armed forces, and though the human rights situation has improved, there are still numerous reports of disappearances and of violence used by the security forces against people from allwalks of life. Nor have the Guatemalan human rights groups had any satisfaction in response to their demands that those responsible for the thousands of deaths which occurred under previous military governments be brought to justice. Some Guatemalan exiles returned home to take advantage of the promised democratic opening under Cerezo, and attempted to widen the space for political debate. But, as the coup attempt on 11 May showed, the possibilities for such freedoms have again narrowed abruptly. Here a London-based researcher who recently travelled to Guatemala describes the current situation.


Author(s):  
Achim Wennmann

The political economy of violent conflict is a body of literature that investigates how economic issues and interests shape the dynamics associated to violent conflict after the Cold War. The literature covers an area of research focusing on civil wars—the predominant type of conflict in the 1990s and early 2000s—and an area of research focusing on other types of violent conflict within states, such as permanent emergencies, criminal violence, and political violence associated to turbulent transitions. The first area involves four themes that have come to characterize discussions on the political economy of civil wars, including research on the role of greed and grievance in conflict onset, on economic interests in civil wars, on the nature of conflict economies, and on conflict financing. The second area responds to the evolution of violent conflict beyond the categories of “interstate” or “civil” war and shows how political economy research adapted to new types of violent conflict within states as it moved beyond the “post-Cold War” era. Overall, the literature on the political economy of violence conflict emphasizes the role of informal systems behind power, profits and violence, and the economic interests and functions of violence underlying to violent conflict. It has also become a conceptual laboratory for scholars who after years of field research tried to make sense of the realities of authoritarian, violent or war-affected countries. By extending the boundaries of the literature beyond the study of civil wars after the Cold War, political economy research can serve as an important analytical lens to better understand the constantly evolving nature of violent conflict and to inform sober judgment on the possible policy responses to them.


Subject Preparations for the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro. Significance Despite the continuing political and economic crisis, nearly a year before the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, the schedule of works for the event remains on time. According to a recent report released by the local organising committee, 88% of the main competition sites have been completed, a level similar to that accomplished in London one year before the beginning of the 2012 games. Impacts The political crisis should not affect preparations for the Games, as most construction works are the responsibility of local authorities. However, high levels of water contamination are a concern that cannot be adequately addressed in time. Moreover, Rio's record on urban violence raises questions about visitor safety.


Author(s):  
D. M. G. Sutherland

This contribution examines the political violence of urban crowds in 1789. It endorses previous contributions that emphasize the importance of subsistence issues for urban consumers and the hopes the calling of the Estates-General stimulated for a drastic transformation. It argues, however, that popular consciousness should not be envisaged as moving from a less to a more sophisticated level. Instead, new slogans, aspirations, and heroes were grafted onto older sentiments like revenge for insults, assaults on hate figures, and the like. The crowd also enacted justice through the carnival of mock or real executions and the maiming of individuals they had killed. The revolutionary crowd could be shocking and inspiring at the same time. Many politicians and journalists approved of these extremely violent and lawless activities or excused them, so that the distinction between ‘crowd’ and ‘civil society’ was fluid.


Author(s):  
Christine J. Wade

Central America’s transitions to democracy and the end of civil wars in the 1990s brought the promise of peace, yet the region’s new democracies have struggled with epidemic levels of violence since the early 2000s. El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras are among the deadliest countries in the world. Even peaceful Costa Rica was plagued by drug trafficking and organized crime. While the political violence of the 1980s has largely been replaced by criminal violence, political violence remains a problem in some countries. Nicaragua, which escaped the homicide epidemics of its neighbors, experienced a wave of political violence in 2018 and 2019. I explore the causes of violence and insecurity in the region, attempts by regional governments to combat crime, and the impact of crime on citizens’ attitudes toward democracy.


Significance Crackdowns against the political opposition have increased as the government tries to stifle political dissent. The constitution mandates presidential and national assembly elections by late November, but the incumbent, President Joseph Kabila, appears unwilling to leave office despite reaching his term limit. Impacts Tshisekedi's return will raise the stakes in the country's political crisis. Instability or political violence risks shattering DRC's fragile economic recovery. The UN could expand the mandate of its mission in the DRC depending on the outcome of the political process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Oluwaseun Peter Oyewale ◽  
William Abiodun Duyile

This paper is an examination of the political parties and culture of violent during the electioneering process in southwest Nigeria. It focuses majorly on the circumstances that led to the 1983 political crisis in Nigeria most especially how it affected southwest. The papar also focuses of the activities of the two dominant political parties i.e UPN and NPN and how their activities have created tautness in southwest Nigeria. It explains the main reasons why violence engulfed the street of Oyo and Ondo; this is ranging from the slow and ineffective way the courts dealt with political matters and the patrician way security agencies went along with political violence. The reaction of Yoruba to show their displeasure and grievances to how shoddy the election of 1983and the injustice also contributed to this evil of political violence in southwest. The paper concludes that the 1983 political crisis occurred as a result of inability of government and court of justice to do the right thing. The paper however derived its data from both primary and secondary sources.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timur Zufarovich Mansurov ◽  
Efimova Sabina Rafailevna

The purpose of the research is to identify opportunities and prospects for resolving the political crisis in Venezuela proceeding from the current situation in the country. The specifics of the crisis processes in the socio-economic and political spheres, as well as the causes contributing to their deepening are considered. The authors analyze the conflict between the ruling regime and the opposition and the factors impeding the implementation of the political and economic measures pursued by the government to remove the country from the crisis. The authors research the actions performed by the authorities of the Chavist regime in promoting dialogue and seeking compromise both with the political opposition and other immediate parties to the conflict, including secret negotiations, and with the help of mediators. Particular attention is paid to the scenarios of crisis resolution in Venezuela developed by the author of the paper, named "negative", "positive", and "neutral". Each of the scenarios traces the actions of the main opposing forces, their capabilities to resolve the conflict in one or another direction, the involvement of regional and major world states and the possibilities of their implementation to date.


Author(s):  
Brian Klaas

The political history of Africa is a history defined by political exclusion. Groups of people and politicians have been excluded from political participation on the basis of religion, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, and disability throughout the continent. Sometimes political exclusion is a result of a bigoted ideology of a group being inferior—as was the case during the colonial period. Other times, leaders use exclusion in order to maintain power, attempting to neutralize their rivals by removing them from the political system. That exclusion often creates destabiliziation, and sometimes violence. In some cases, notably in Côte d’Ivoire, for example, the debate over who is “legitimate” to include in politics and who is “illegitimate” has sparked civil wars and coups d’état. However, there is a strategic logic to political exclusion: it often tempts autocratic leaders as seemingly the “easiest” way of staying in power in the short term, even if it creates a higher risk of political violence in the long run. Nonetheless, political exclusion remains a widespread feature of most African states well into the 21st century. Until African politics become more inclusive, it is likely that the volatility associated with exclusionary politics will persist even if democratic institutions become stronger over time.


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