scholarly journals Political Parties, Violent and Culture of Electioneering Protest in South-Western Nigeria: The 1983 Experience

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Oluwaseun Peter Oyewale ◽  
William Abiodun Duyile
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Southwest Nigeria ◽  
The Right ◽  
Do The Right Thing

This paper is an examination of the political parties and culture of violent during the electioneering process in southwest Nigeria. It focuses majorly on the circumstances that led to the 1983 political crisis in Nigeria most especially how it affected southwest. The papar also focuses of the activities of the two dominant political parties i.e UPN and NPN and how their activities have created tautness in southwest Nigeria. It explains the main reasons why violence engulfed the street of Oyo and Ondo; this is ranging from the slow and ineffective way the courts dealt with political matters and the patrician way security agencies went along with political violence. The reaction of Yoruba to show their displeasure and grievances to how shoddy the election of 1983and the injustice also contributed to this evil of political violence in southwest. The paper concludes that the 1983 political crisis occurred as a result of inability of government and court of justice to do the right thing. The paper however derived its data from both primary and secondary sources.

he domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in the spring and summer of 1669

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Bоris N. Florya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Right

Based on an analysis of sources, the author tries to reconstruct the course of events during the political crisis on the Right Bank, at the center of which was the confrontation between the right-bank hetman P. Doroshenko and his opponent, P. Sukhovey, an elected hetman of the Zaporozhian Sich with the support of the Crimean Khanate. The author shows that the opposition to Doroshenko was significant and was formed as well under the influence of the news about his Turkish citizenship. It was approved by the Korsun Rada, to participate in which the Right-Bank hetman was able to mobilize a significant number of supporters from the Right-Bank foreman. This caused discontent not only among the Cossacks, but also among the Cossack mob in a part of the Right-Bank regiments. Doroshenko’s attempts to get help from the Ottoman Empire were unsuccessful and in the summer his position became threatening: only two Cossack regiments stood on the side of the hetman. Only the arrival of the ambassadors of the Sultan in August 1669, who demanded that the Crimean Khanate stop supporting the opposition to Doroshenko, and the subsequent departure of the Tatars defused the situation and saved the Right-Bank hetman from losing the power. These events, as well as the ensuing similar domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in 1672, demonstrate how shaky the Doroshenko’s position was and how difficult it was for him to maintain the power.

The German Elections of 1928

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
City Councils ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Modern Methods ◽  
Political Consolidation ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
The Right ◽  
Intensive Work

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.

The Politics of ‘Winner Takes All’ (2008–2014)

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Rich Dorman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Church Leaders ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Winner Takes All

This chapter explores how ZANU used the creation of a government of national unity (GNU) between 2008 to 2013 to regain control of the political landscape. It tracks the economic and social crises that led to power-sharing, and explores the political dynamics first from the perspective of political parties and then from civil society. We see how church leaders and chiefs were (re-)incorporated into the ZANU discursive project, and how NGOs were marginalized from political discourse. The GNU limited and contained the extremes of political violence and economic crisis. This allowed ZANU to capitalize on its successes, build a new coalition of supporters and regain control of the state through the 2014 general election. Despite an institutional facade of unity, political factionalization deepened, and politics became increasingly driven by a dynamic of "winner takes all."

scholarly journals Electoral performance beyond leaders? The organization of populist parties in postcommunist Europe

2019 ◽  
pp. 135406881986362
Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina ◽  
Sorina Soare
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Negative Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Organizational Determinants ◽  
Electoral Performance

In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political parties in Eastern Europe, little attention has been paid to the organizational determinants of their electoral performance. This article aims to fill this void in the literature and analyzes the extent to which particular types of leadership and party organization could influence the electoral performance of three political parties from Bulgaria, Republic of Moldova, and Romania. The qualitative analysis is conducted for the period 2012–2015 and uses a combination of primary (party statutes) and secondary sources (party histories, electoral databases, and literature). The results indicate how the existence of underdeveloped party organizations has a negative influence on the electoral performance, while strong and charismatic leaders are an insufficient condition for ensuring survival on the political arena.

scholarly journals Politics and Political Participation of “Grass-Roots” in General Election 2019, Bandar Selamat Regency, Medan, Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Two Stages

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.

scholarly journals Fenomena Politik ‘Pamer-Ganti Bojo’ Konstelasi Pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati 2020 di Rembang

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Moh Sugihariyadi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Phenomenological Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leadership Succession ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right ◽  
Electoral Law

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">'Show-Changing Bojo' Politics in the Constellation of Election of Regent and Deputy Regent of Rembang. The election of the Regent and Deputy Regent of Rembang is based on the electeroral law. Electoral law is followed by an electoral process, one of which is by receiving input from the public. Because people have the right, opportunity and receive equal services based on statutory regulations. Submission of candidate pairs for Regent and Deputy Regent candidates by the DPC Political Party needs to consider the electoral law and electoral process, including ethical issues in politics. This study aims to analyze the political style of the candidates for regent and deputy regent of Rembang in leadership succession through the 'bojo showing off' model. The method used is qualitative with a phenomenological approach, which proves that community participation in the selection process of prospective regents and deputy regents at the level of political parties is never a concern. Therefore, 'showing off' bojo is one way to attract the attention of the public to pay attention to the succession of the leadership.</span></p>

scholarly journals Visegrad Group and Relations with Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radovan Višňovský
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central European ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Past ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
The Eu

This article refers to the Central European countries by meaning the Visegrad Group countries (V4) - Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. The development of the Visegrad Group aimed on integration to the Euro-Atlantic structures fulfilled its promise, nevertheless, the membership in Western structures does not necessarily mean the loss of Russian influence in the region of Central Europe. On the contrary, the region’s connection to Russia developed in the past remained to some extent even after the process of political transition in particular countries. Such connections are responsible for foreign policy discourse with a plethora of questions and misunderstandings on issues related to the political attitudes of Visegrad members towards Russia and some contradictory stances of the V4 countries among themselves as well with respect to Brussels. The EU’s politics of sanctions towards Russia is having a direct, counterproductive effect in Visegrad, what is resulting in undermined relations and weakened coherence inside the EU with the emergence of anti-Western and pro-Russian political parties that creates the space for Russian foreign policy to achieve more influence in the region. This article is analyzing the background of such discourse and some of the reasons behind the pro-Russian sentiment or discrepancies and non-coherence of the EU members’ opinions on Russia. At the same time, the awareness of the outcomes of this article can be relevant in analyzing the possibilities to avoid the deepening of the conflictual foreign policy between the EU and Russia, or the Visegrad and Russia, respectively. The research is built on both, primary and secondary sources, related mainly to the evolution of relations in specific areas between both sides. The mentioned historical perspective creates the basis of the analysis and is further put into contemporary discourse to find the answers on the question: what are the reasons for non-coherence of the EU and Visegrad towards the policy against Russia? To achieve the above-mentioned results, the analysis is provided in chronological perspective using the mixed methods by exploring the official documents, scholarly articles published on the topic, and public polls as well.

scholarly journals Mass Revolution and End of the Cultural Institution in Nepal

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Apar Kumar Lamsal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Institution ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Professional Employees ◽  
General Mass

From 6th April to 24th April of 2006, parliamentary political parties along with the ten years long strafing underground Nepal Communist Party (Maoists) stage a mass revolution against the Royal takeover of 2002 AD for the establishment of republican state. This mass movement gained much impetus then trailed by various organizations, trade unions, students, professional employees and the general mass throughout the kingdom of Nepal. Ultimately, the age-long monarchical institution was finished from the political and cultural scenario of Nepal. This article outlines the main events and outcomes of this revolution and analyzes it. This article is based on secondary sources along with event observation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v1i2.9882 Researcher 1(2) 2013: 11-22

scholarly journals Eksistensi Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Galih Raka Siwi ◽  
Reviansyah Erlianto ◽  
Maharani Nurdin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Legal Uncertainty ◽  
The Right

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimung­kinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.

Democracy and the Cartelization of Political Parties

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
First Century ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Managerial Competence ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The Right ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

Political parties have long been recognized as essential institutions of democratic governance. Both the organization of parties, and their relationships with citizens, the state, and each other have evolved since the rise of liberal democracy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Going into the twenty-first century, it appears that parties are losing popular support, putting both parties, and potentially democracy, in peril. This book traces the evolution of parties from the model of the mass party, through the catch-all party model, to argue that by the late twentieth century the principal governing parties (and their allied smaller parties—collectively the political “mainstream”) were effectively forming a cartel, in which the form of competition might remain, and indeed even appear to intensify, while its substance was increasingly hollowed out. The spoils of office were increasingly shared rather than restricted to the temporary winners; contentious policy questions were kept off the political agenda, and competition shifted from large questions of policy to minor questions of managerial competence. To support this cartel, the internal arrangements of parties changed to privilege the party in public office over the party on the ground. The unintended consequence has been to stimulate the rise of extra-cartel challengers to these cozy arrangements in the form of anti-party-system parties and populist oppositions on the left, but especially on the right.

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