scholarly journals The historical-sociological matrix and ethos at the heart and strength of MPLA’s modern Angola

Tempo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-173
Author(s):  
Nuno Carlos de Fragoso Vidal
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Oil Company

Abstract: Proximate to a Weberian perspective, this article argues that the resilience of the Angolan regime is mainly owed to an ethos structured on top of a specific socio-cultural historical matrix (minority at start), evolving since the 16th century. Such matrix was structured on a prevailing Weltanschauung (world and national vision), that has been progressively self-presented, self-assumed, imposed/assimilated as national and modern within a project of identity and power hegemony, even though still and constantly ridden by several internal contradictions and tensions. Dynamics of this process is central to understand the intricacies of the relationship between rulers and ruled, evolving identities as well as the still significant social support to the party in power after more than four decades in the government. The regime’s resilience lays on such ethos in support of hegemonic power and identity project, above and beyond the president and all his political management abilities, beyond the central instrumentality of the national oil company (SONANGOL), beyond the media spotlight on influential names surrounding the presidency, including the president’s men, generals, and beyond authoritarianism.

scholarly journals Church and government in Reformed perspective

2005 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
W.A. Dreyer
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Reformed Churches ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The new political dispensation since 1994 requires the Reformed churches in South Africa to redefine their role in society and their relationship with the government. This short journey through history helps us to understand the complexity of the relationship between the Church and the government. This article focuses on the concepts formulated by the Reformers in the 16th century, presenting the view that the revolutionary and radical way in which the Reformed concepts changed society and the government is still relevant to South Africa and opens up meaningful dialogue.

scholarly journals Media Capture Through Favor Exchange

Econometrica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Szeidl ◽  
Ferenc Szucs
Keyword(s):  
Structural Model ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Media Ownership ◽  
Targeted Advertising ◽  
Qualitative Evidence ◽  
The Media ◽  
Favor Exchange ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Rule Out

We use data from Hungary to establish two results about the relationship between the government and the media. (i) We document large advertising favors from the government to connected media, and large corruption coverage favors from connected media to the government. Our empirical strategy exploits sharp reallocations around changes in media ownership and other events to rule out market‐based explanations. (ii) Under the assumptions of a structural model, we distinguish between owner ideology and favor exchange as the mechanism driving favors. We estimate our model exploiting within‐owner changes in coverage for identification and find that both mechanisms are important. These results imply that targeted government advertising can meaningfully influence content. Counterfactuals show that targeted advertising can also influence owner ideology, by making media ownership more profitable to pro‐government connected investors. Our results are consistent with qualitative evidence from many democracies and suggest that government advertising affects media content worldwide.

Political management of emigration from Bangladesh in the framework of a social network theory

Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-132
Author(s):  
Shahanaz Parven
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
International Migration ◽  
Network Theory ◽  
Social Network Theory ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Migration Flows ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

The subject of the study is the social network theory for the management of international migration. The theory suggests that migration from the society of origin to the hosting society can occur if links exist between these two societies, and that the flow of migrants follows the established links. The theoretical prediction which one can make is that, if the political administration wishes to establish a flow of migrants between any two societies, a link between these two societies must be established first. The author tested the theory on the case of managing the emigration of workers by the government of Bangladesh. The paper found that, firstly, the links between the origin society and the host society were created artificially, however, in contrast to the theoretical forecast, the author observed that such links usually do not correspond to the geographical distribution of maximum proximity to origin or destination society. Instead, the study revealed, that the closeness of communication between two societies is generated by the proximity between political administrations of the same societies, which contradicts the theoretical expectations. In this regard, the author proposed to expand the theory of international migration in the social network, suggesting that the proximity between two political administrations, and not between two societies as a whole, is a condition necessary for international migration. This, in turn, allows us to fill a theoretical gap that is associated with the relationship between social network theory and the management of international migration. The paper concludes that it is possible to generate arbitrary migration flows, creating appropriate links between any two societies.

Crafting a New Compact in the Public Interest

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Keith B. Alexander ◽  
Jamil N. Jaffer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
National Security ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fair Treatment ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Leaks of highly classified information, popular views of government national security efforts, and changes in the media environment in recent years have resulted in a significant decay in the relationship between the government and the media and public trust in both institutions. To correct this harmful trend, a significant recalibration of the government-media relationship and the establishment of a new compact between them would best serve the public interest. The government should be more transparent about its national security efforts and more self-critical in classification decisions and should explain national security activities it undertakes, defending and justifying classified programs in detail whenever possible. The press must likewise be willing to afford the government fair treatment, including noting government efforts to protect national security, and to appropriately balance civil rights and privacy. It is important that these institutions work together to establish new mores on classification, government transparency, and a more responsible approach to classified disclosures.

Elections, Legitimacy, Media and Democracy: The Case of Georgia

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-487
Author(s):  
Sue Davis
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Relationship

Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems, elections serve a different function than in a fully democratic society and the media are one tool that leaders in such systems can use to enhance their legitimacy. When non-democratic leaders enjoy popularity, there is no need to finesse the media since positive coverage is easy to come by when you are popular. But if your popularity is waning and democratic habits are not well ingrained, the temptation to overtly or covertly subvert the media can be quite intense. So instead of maintaining legitimacy, elections may serve to create legitimacy or at least the appearance of legitimacy when legitimacy is lacking. To that end, regimes and leaders cannot afford to lose, and moreover need to win, elections by large margins if their legitimacy is questionable. Therefore, control over the media is more important when this is the case. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between media freedom and regime insecurity, as the insecurity of the regime goes up, the freedom of the media goes down. Couple this tendency with the fact that the media in these transitioning systems have not fully become a “fourth estate” that is strong, independent, and can hold the government and political leaders accountable and you have a climate in which the media are harassed, biased, and often co-opted. Georgia, through the 2000 presidential election, is such a political system.

COVID-19 discourse in political, research and media agenda (on the example of Greece)

Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
A. A. Toropova
Keyword(s):  
Active Phase ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Communication Campaign ◽  
The Media ◽  
Coronavirus Infection ◽  
Scientific Discourses ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Of Greece

The purpose of the article is to analyze the political and scientific discourses in Greece by comparing various narratives of the period of the onset and active phase of the coronavirus pandemic, the relationship between objective and media reality, the ability of recipients to reflect. This article highlights the peculiarities of carrying out a government line adapted to the new conditions and the reaction of Greek sociological thought and the media to the pandemic. At the beginning of the pandemic, the experience of Greece was recognized by the international community as positive in the fight against the new coronavirus infection and was designated as a kind of «success story». Indeed, the Greek government was one of the first in the world to take harsh preventive measures. The academic community also responded quickly to the changed socio-political agenda. As a method, a content analysis of scientific articles, Internet publications, statistical data, as well as statements of key figures in political and scientific discourses was carried out. The conclusion is made about the success of the communication campaign on the part of the government and the positive attitude of the Greek society in the context of precedent changes.

scholarly journals Towards Symbiosis: Reflections on Government/Media Relations in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 200-207
Author(s):  
Nsikak Solomon Idiong
Keyword(s):  
Information Needs ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Media Relations ◽  
Rwandan Genocide ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Counter Argument ◽  
Civilized Society

The media, like other institutions, do not exist in a vacuum. They operate within societies, within geo-political entities, and within the framework, restrictive or liberal, provided by other institutions and structures within any given society. Government is one of the most important factors that influence the operations of the media. Ideally, the relationship between the government and the media should be symbiotic, but in Nigeria, that relationship is often adversarial. Although some scholars have argued that the media cannot afford to be in cahoots with the government if the public’s information needs are to be served, a counter-argument is provided in this paper to the effect that the aims of development journalism and of social responsibility cannot be easily achieved if politicians and journalists cannot find a way of coexisting. The authors of this paper point to instances where governments were toppled because of their perceived insouciance and their intolerance toward press freedom. Conversely, journalists are reminded of the media’s role in the Rwandan Genocide of 1994, when some of the media were accused of beating the drums of discord and of internecine strife. In conclusion, the argument is made that the liaison between government and the media is one of society’s most important relationships and whoever trifles with that balance endangers not just the press and the government but the very survival of civilized society.

scholarly journals Ownership Concentration in the TV Industry

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sune Tjernström
Keyword(s):  
Ownership Concentration ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Commercial Television ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Publishing Groups ◽  
Media Firms

Abstract The wish to limit ownership concentration in the media industry has been common in the newspaper sector, but hardly very successful. As commercial television was more extensively introduced, governments saw possibilities of limiting ownership concentration in this sector. One such case is the Swedish TV4, owned at the start in 1991 by a consortium of financial and smaller publishing groups, but now controlled by the biggest player in the national media business. What happened on the way and what were the obstacles to media policy in this field? Some would argue that this is an area in which media policy failed. Alternatively, this development can be understood as a case in which the nature of corporate policy is revealed. A third option would be to observe the interaction between corporate interests and the government as an example of so-called political management. This article examines these scenarios in the context of commercial television in Sweden. The case study provides a deeper understanding of the nature of ‘institutional competitiveness’, politics vs. business, nationally based media firms vs. other Scandinavian players.

scholarly journals The Parliament’s public relations in terms of political journalism

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 63-89
Author(s):  
Andrius Vaišnys
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
State Institution ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship

While sitting at a place designated for guests in a representative hall of the Lithuanian parliament, the Italian President was smiling at the Speaker of Seimas who was sitting right in front of him and quietly waited until the three minutes dedicated to photojournalists and television cameramen under the protocol were over. When the journalists left, his wide smile vanished, and the President confided to the Speaker of the Seimas that he ‘also’ did not like and even hated journalists but had no other choice than get used to them and be nice because they also ‘were an authority’. He agreed for his words to be translated into Lithuanian and pointed out: “A very powerful authority, unfortunately”. This situation from the end of the 20th century is in no way an exception in terms of the relationship between the media and government even if used in this article as a case example, because the author will present some more of such examples illustrating the issues of public relations (PR) of the parliament in respect of the media. It is just that this scene is quite typical. Even the description of the media as an authority that was voiced that morning was old news since it was publicly announced as in the early as 16th century in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom when observers sitting in the press gallery were called the “fourth estate”. These words of the president, who had a long experience of parliamentary work, reflect the issue of relationship between the government and the media: politicians are constantly striving to make an influence by means of the media while the media, if it is not under the governmental control, naturally distrust politicians, their messages and alleged friendliness to journalists. The journalism, nevertheless, has been recognised as the most effective means of information since the 19th century after the periodic media systems have developed, since it has been able to reach crowds, audiences, public and is still the most effective way to satisfy the need for information about the events and personae of interest to society and therefore is of a permanent interest to political and judicial authorities. That’s why the factor of the media is so important – probably the most important in systemic PR applications. That’s why in our times the structures of authority responsible for PR try not only to understand the methods of journalism but also to ‘integrate’ into the process of journalism to become the main source and even to absorb the nature of the journalism, i.e. to become a medium between a politician and the audience. Let us suppose that social networks allow PR specialists to reach at least part of their audience directly, without using a journalist. Maybe a PR specialist needs to become a journalist then, to reincarnate? The author of this article has a goal to discuss the interaction between the media and public relations when seen through the prism of interests of a state institution. We will use the case of the Lithuanian parliament.

scholarly journals Thank You For Your Service: Sacrifice, New Warriors, and the Second Amendment in the American Rifleman from 1975-2018

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Dawson
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Cultural Meaning ◽  
Second Amendment ◽  
Blood Sacrifice ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Christian Nationalism

The defeat in Vietnam marked a change in the cultural meaning surrounding these warriors. One significant transition was the media image of the New Warrior – a warrior who’s sacrifice no longer transformed the nation. The NRA, emerging from the 1970s with a more hardline stance toward Second Amendment absolutism, played an active role in reshaping the relationship between this new warrior culture, military service, and the Second Amendment. Building on a narrative of government betrayal of the soldiers in Vietnam, the NRA recast the ordinary gun owner into the New Warrior, an independent warrior who will go to any lengths to defend the sacred right to bear arms against corrupt agents of the government. But the deeper question of how the NRA has accomplished this transformation of cultural meaning remains largely unexplored. This paper argues that the NRA used the rhetoric of national failure following Vietnam and the blood sacrifice of American soldiers who died in the defense of the Constitution to transform the cultural meaning of the Second Amendment for ordinary citizens. Through the Second Amendment, ordinary men are transformed into Second Amendment warriors, defending the freedoms the American soldiers died to protect. As one of the original real life heroes of the post-Vietnam New War - a retired soldier who operated outside of the law in order to defend the Nation– Oliver North’s ascension to the NRA presidency represents the fulfillment of the post-Vietnam New War archetype and merges the New War mythology with the blood sacrifice of Christian nationalism.

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