scholarly journals Media Capture Through Favor Exchange

Econometrica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Szeidl ◽  
Ferenc Szucs
Keyword(s):  
Structural Model ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Media Ownership ◽  
Targeted Advertising ◽  
Qualitative Evidence ◽  
The Media ◽  
Favor Exchange ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Rule Out

We use data from Hungary to establish two results about the relationship between the government and the media. (i) We document large advertising favors from the government to connected media, and large corruption coverage favors from connected media to the government. Our empirical strategy exploits sharp reallocations around changes in media ownership and other events to rule out market‐based explanations. (ii) Under the assumptions of a structural model, we distinguish between owner ideology and favor exchange as the mechanism driving favors. We estimate our model exploiting within‐owner changes in coverage for identification and find that both mechanisms are important. These results imply that targeted government advertising can meaningfully influence content. Counterfactuals show that targeted advertising can also influence owner ideology, by making media ownership more profitable to pro‐government connected investors. Our results are consistent with qualitative evidence from many democracies and suggest that government advertising affects media content worldwide.

Police, Media, and Popular Culture

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alyce McGovern ◽  
Nickie D. Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Reality Television ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Citizen Journalism ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Television Programming ◽  
The Public ◽  
Police Organizations ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Communications ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between the police and the media is complex, multidimensional, and contingent. Since the development of modern-day policing, the police and the media have interacted with one another in some way, shape, or form. The relationship has often been described as symbiotic, and can be characterized as ebbing and flowing in terms of the power dynamics that exist. For the police, the media present a powerful opportunity to communicate with the public about crime threats and events, as well as police successes. For the media, crime events make up a significant portion of media content, and access to police sources assists journalists in constructing such content. But the police–media relationship is not always cosy, and at times, tensions and conflicts arise. The increasing professionalization of police media communications activities has further challenged the nature and scope of the police–media relationship. Not only has the relationship become more formalized, driven by police policies and practices that are concerned with managing the media, but it has also been challenged by the very nature of the media. Changes to the media landscape have presented police organizations with a unique opportunity to become media organizations in their own right. The proliferation of police reality television programming, together with the rise of social media, has served to broaden the ways in which the police engage with the media in the pursuit of trust, confidence, and legitimacy; however, this has also opened the police up to increasing scrutiny as citizen journalism and other forms of counterveillance challenge the preferred police image.

scholarly journals The historical-sociological matrix and ethos at the heart and strength of MPLA’s modern Angola

Tempo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-173
Author(s):  
Nuno Carlos de Fragoso Vidal
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Oil Company

Abstract: Proximate to a Weberian perspective, this article argues that the resilience of the Angolan regime is mainly owed to an ethos structured on top of a specific socio-cultural historical matrix (minority at start), evolving since the 16th century. Such matrix was structured on a prevailing Weltanschauung (world and national vision), that has been progressively self-presented, self-assumed, imposed/assimilated as national and modern within a project of identity and power hegemony, even though still and constantly ridden by several internal contradictions and tensions. Dynamics of this process is central to understand the intricacies of the relationship between rulers and ruled, evolving identities as well as the still significant social support to the party in power after more than four decades in the government. The regime’s resilience lays on such ethos in support of hegemonic power and identity project, above and beyond the president and all his political management abilities, beyond the central instrumentality of the national oil company (SONANGOL), beyond the media spotlight on influential names surrounding the presidency, including the president’s men, generals, and beyond authoritarianism.

scholarly journals The Protection of Minors Against Harmful Media Content in Europe

2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-129
Author(s):  
Christian Büttner
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Child Protection ◽  
Media Content ◽  
European Level ◽  
National Differences ◽  
Youth Media ◽  
Adolescents And Adults ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
European Youth

Abstract Reaching agreement on child protection and the media at a joint European level is a difficult process, as national differences regarding film classifications would appear to be too great. On the basis of interviews conducted with leading classifiers in Great Britain, Sweden, Denmark, France, Portugal, Spain and Ireland, the considerable differences in the rationales behind the respective national classification concepts are examined in terms of how children and adolescents in Europe are granted autonomy and responsibility, and what role parents play in this. The basic plea is for more attention to be given to the intercultural dimensions of the relationship between children, adolescents and adults in further work to develop a European youth media protection act.

The Media and the Fostering of Political (Dis)Trust

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Barthel ◽  
Patricia Moy
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Media Effects ◽  
Media Use ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Presentation Formats ◽  
The Media ◽  
Normative Significance ◽  
Vital Component ◽  
The Relationship

Citizens’ trust in government, a vital component of any functioning democracy, can be affected by media content, but these media effects depend on numerous factors. This chapter first illustrates the normative significance of political trust, then reviews its various conceptualizations and operationalizations. It reviews the key empirical linkages between media and political trust, focusing on differences in medium, modality, presentation formats, and mechanisms of influence. The relationship between media use and political trust is discussed in light of an evolving landscape – one in which the media are no longer centralized, content consumers also produce messages, and media and politics are inextricably linked. The chapter calls for additional research on the effects of new media and emerging political cultures on political trust.

scholarly journals Exploring Mediating Role of Corporate Image between Service Quality and Student Loyalty using PLS-SEM

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 2726-2730
Keyword(s):  
Service Quality ◽  
Structural Model ◽  
Measurement Model ◽  
Corporate Image ◽  
Mediating Effect ◽  
Vocational Education And Training ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Student Loyalty ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

The demand on high skill graduate shows increasing trend in the context of Malaysia. Current supply of higher skill graduate is in adequate to support the industry. Thus, the government expected that, the number of student enrolment in higher Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) institutions to be increased. Recent studies highlighted that service quality and corporate image are two critical factors that influence student loyalty. However, the mediating effect of corporate image has given less attention in the previous research. Thus, the purpose of this research is to explore the mediating effect of corporate image on the relationship between the service quality and student loyalty. The scope of this study is final year student of higher TVET universities. 398 of completed questionnaires were analyzing using SPSS and Smart-PLS. The measurement model shows that all constructs are reliable. While the structural model result showed that there is a direct and significant effect of corporate image on the relationship between service quality and student loyalty. The mediating test indicates that there is a partial mediation of corporate image on the relationship between service quality and student satisfaction. Future research is suggested to explore in depth on other factors that could have mediate the relationship between service quality and student loyalty.

Framing the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in the Icelandic media: What were the key concerns and who could raise them?

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152
Author(s):  
Adda Guðrún Gylfadóttir ◽  
Jón Gunnar Ólafsson ◽  
Sigrún Ólafsdóttir
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Information Dissemination ◽  
Relevant Information ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Health Related ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship

The worldwide outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of reliable and relevant information dissemination. How well a crisis like COVID-19 is handled depends, in many ways, on how the public perceives the crisis and risks related to it, through the media. Therefore, how the situation is framed, what are seen as key issues, and who is perceived to be in charge, can have implications for the outcome. This article analyses Icelandic news media content about COVID-19 at the onset of the pandemic by using theories of agenda-setting and framing. The objective is to examine how the pandemic was framed, which topics were highlighted and who was given a voice in the media. We specifically investigate what kind of leadership was present during the earliest stages of the pandemic. Using content analysis, we examined media content about COVID-19 from 21 Icelandic media outlets from January 1st to March 31st, 2020. Our conclusions show that from the start of the pandemic, health related subjects, such as disease prevention, COVID-19 statistics and the health care system were salient in the media, though tourism and economic factors were also quite prominent. Furthermore, experts were at the helm of communication whilst politicians remained more in the background. The dissemination of instructions and rules illuminates the relationship between the experts and politicians, as the experts were given a voice in the media to communicate such information. The politicians, however, directly cited the experts, thanked them or endorsed them, when they spoke on instructions and rules in the media.

Introspection into the Battle over Broadcast Regulations in India

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pallavi Majumdar
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Specific Reference ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Regulatory Controls

Across the world, media entities are subjected to regulations following the universal perception that media content and media operations radically influence political debate, social policies and economic growth. This is accompanied by the tension of how to regulate the media and how to secure a free independent media on the other. Though regulation of the media content can take on several forms ranging from direct control of the government, guidelines from the industry associations, pressure from advertisers or suggestions by the civil society groups, it is normally aimed at protecting the public from perceived harm, or with enriching their knowledge or appreciation of culture. In India, the state has zealously guarded its control over broadcast news media, however, the emergence of new stakeholders in the postliberalization era has resulted in a complex mesh of regulatory controls. This paper traces the historical context of the broadcast regulatory framework in India and explores the various sites of contestations between the various stakeholders, particularly the state and the broadcasters, with specific reference to news on television.

scholarly journals Jordan's Official Media Discourse in Light of the Coronavirus Pandemic

2020 ◽  
pp. 923-928
Author(s):  
Dr. Mohammed Ali Al-Rousan
Keyword(s):  
Media Content ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Interactive Approach ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
The Public ◽  
Documentary Analysis ◽  
National Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Other World

The study stands on investigating the Media content of the official Jordanian broadcasting, in light of the Corona pandemic and the method used to employ the media instruments to deal with the Jordanian and global health and economical situation. Also the characteristics of its media discourse. The study relied on the descriptive and documentary analysis method to explore the Media content, guided by the systematic analysis approach about the input and output of media discourse, and the feedback to manage the media scene. The study concluded that Jordanian Media discourse characterizes by the participatory, integrative, and interactive approach within the two main parties of the crisis represented in the government and the public recipient, where the health and economic media releases its Media agenda which enabled it to employ its previous experiences and gain new experiences that could be added to the national Media experiences in the other world countries.

Crafting a New Compact in the Public Interest

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Keith B. Alexander ◽  
Jamil N. Jaffer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
National Security ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fair Treatment ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Leaks of highly classified information, popular views of government national security efforts, and changes in the media environment in recent years have resulted in a significant decay in the relationship between the government and the media and public trust in both institutions. To correct this harmful trend, a significant recalibration of the government-media relationship and the establishment of a new compact between them would best serve the public interest. The government should be more transparent about its national security efforts and more self-critical in classification decisions and should explain national security activities it undertakes, defending and justifying classified programs in detail whenever possible. The press must likewise be willing to afford the government fair treatment, including noting government efforts to protect national security, and to appropriately balance civil rights and privacy. It is important that these institutions work together to establish new mores on classification, government transparency, and a more responsible approach to classified disclosures.

Elections, Legitimacy, Media and Democracy: The Case of Georgia

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-487
Author(s):  
Sue Davis
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Relationship

Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems, elections serve a different function than in a fully democratic society and the media are one tool that leaders in such systems can use to enhance their legitimacy. When non-democratic leaders enjoy popularity, there is no need to finesse the media since positive coverage is easy to come by when you are popular. But if your popularity is waning and democratic habits are not well ingrained, the temptation to overtly or covertly subvert the media can be quite intense. So instead of maintaining legitimacy, elections may serve to create legitimacy or at least the appearance of legitimacy when legitimacy is lacking. To that end, regimes and leaders cannot afford to lose, and moreover need to win, elections by large margins if their legitimacy is questionable. Therefore, control over the media is more important when this is the case. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between media freedom and regime insecurity, as the insecurity of the regime goes up, the freedom of the media goes down. Couple this tendency with the fact that the media in these transitioning systems have not fully become a “fourth estate” that is strong, independent, and can hold the government and political leaders accountable and you have a climate in which the media are harassed, biased, and often co-opted. Georgia, through the 2000 presidential election, is such a political system.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document