scholarly journals Thank You For Your Service: Sacrifice, New Warriors, and the Second Amendment in the American Rifleman from 1975-2018

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Dawson
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Cultural Meaning ◽  
Second Amendment ◽  
Blood Sacrifice ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Christian Nationalism

The defeat in Vietnam marked a change in the cultural meaning surrounding these warriors. One significant transition was the media image of the New Warrior – a warrior who’s sacrifice no longer transformed the nation. The NRA, emerging from the 1970s with a more hardline stance toward Second Amendment absolutism, played an active role in reshaping the relationship between this new warrior culture, military service, and the Second Amendment. Building on a narrative of government betrayal of the soldiers in Vietnam, the NRA recast the ordinary gun owner into the New Warrior, an independent warrior who will go to any lengths to defend the sacred right to bear arms against corrupt agents of the government. But the deeper question of how the NRA has accomplished this transformation of cultural meaning remains largely unexplored. This paper argues that the NRA used the rhetoric of national failure following Vietnam and the blood sacrifice of American soldiers who died in the defense of the Constitution to transform the cultural meaning of the Second Amendment for ordinary citizens. Through the Second Amendment, ordinary men are transformed into Second Amendment warriors, defending the freedoms the American soldiers died to protect. As one of the original real life heroes of the post-Vietnam New War - a retired soldier who operated outside of the law in order to defend the Nation– Oliver North’s ascension to the NRA presidency represents the fulfillment of the post-Vietnam New War archetype and merges the New War mythology with the blood sacrifice of Christian nationalism.

Desperate Housewives and Soccer Moms: Examining the relationship between media representations and the lived reality of women in the suburbs

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica White
Keyword(s):  
Real Life ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Media Images ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Original Question ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Historical Examination

Has suburbia ever truly met the needs of the populations it claims to serve? Since its creation suburbia has been a centre of conflict between the image created by the media and lived realities. The post war images of femininity in the suburbs were ones of domesticity and a heteronormative family. In essence the “sitcom” family was created and reality was made to look like its television counterpart. Yet in real life, did any family look like that of Leave it to Beaver? Have our ideals of the perfect family living in the perfect house truly changed? If they have changed have they had an effect on policy makers and land developers? A brief historical examination of suburbia, its creation, and media images will be contrasted with the developments and policies we find in today’s suburbia. To partially answer my original question the demographic of women in suburbia, more specifically mothers will be discussed. Are today’s media images of suburbia a better depiction of lived realities or are urban political processes still at play to perpetuate an ideal image?

scholarly journals Research on cooperation strategy between government and green supply chain based on differential game

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 828-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jingwei Zeng ◽  
Baizhou Li
Keyword(s):  
Supply Chain ◽  
Differential Game ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Green Supply Chain ◽  
Bottom Line ◽  
Effort Level ◽  
Cooperation Strategy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Government Promotion

Abstract Based on the “three bottom line” and stakeholder theory, the paper considers the relationship and cooperation strategy between the government and the supplier and manufacturer of the green supply chain. By constructing the dynamic differential game model, the paper discusses the differences in the optimal effort level, green degree of product, reputation and the optimal benefit under the three situations of noncooperation, government promotion and collaborative cooperation. The results show that the optimal effort level, green degree of product, reputation and the optimal benefit in collaborative cooperation are obviously higher than the situations of non-cooperation and government promotion, and the cooperation of the three parties can promote the development of green supply chain. Government promotion is better than noncooperation. The government plays an active role in improving the optimal benefit and reputation of green supply chain. Finally, the reliability of the proposed proposition is verified by an example analysis, which provides an important reference for improving the efficiency of green supply chain.

scholarly journals The historical-sociological matrix and ethos at the heart and strength of MPLA’s modern Angola

Tempo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-173
Author(s):  
Nuno Carlos de Fragoso Vidal
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Oil Company

Abstract: Proximate to a Weberian perspective, this article argues that the resilience of the Angolan regime is mainly owed to an ethos structured on top of a specific socio-cultural historical matrix (minority at start), evolving since the 16th century. Such matrix was structured on a prevailing Weltanschauung (world and national vision), that has been progressively self-presented, self-assumed, imposed/assimilated as national and modern within a project of identity and power hegemony, even though still and constantly ridden by several internal contradictions and tensions. Dynamics of this process is central to understand the intricacies of the relationship between rulers and ruled, evolving identities as well as the still significant social support to the party in power after more than four decades in the government. The regime’s resilience lays on such ethos in support of hegemonic power and identity project, above and beyond the president and all his political management abilities, beyond the central instrumentality of the national oil company (SONANGOL), beyond the media spotlight on influential names surrounding the presidency, including the president’s men, generals, and beyond authoritarianism.

scholarly journals Media Capture Through Favor Exchange

Econometrica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Szeidl ◽  
Ferenc Szucs
Keyword(s):  
Structural Model ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Media Ownership ◽  
Targeted Advertising ◽  
Qualitative Evidence ◽  
The Media ◽  
Favor Exchange ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Rule Out

We use data from Hungary to establish two results about the relationship between the government and the media. (i) We document large advertising favors from the government to connected media, and large corruption coverage favors from connected media to the government. Our empirical strategy exploits sharp reallocations around changes in media ownership and other events to rule out market‐based explanations. (ii) Under the assumptions of a structural model, we distinguish between owner ideology and favor exchange as the mechanism driving favors. We estimate our model exploiting within‐owner changes in coverage for identification and find that both mechanisms are important. These results imply that targeted government advertising can meaningfully influence content. Counterfactuals show that targeted advertising can also influence owner ideology, by making media ownership more profitable to pro‐government connected investors. Our results are consistent with qualitative evidence from many democracies and suggest that government advertising affects media content worldwide.

Intimacy despite distance: The dark triad and romantic parasocial interactions

2021 ◽  
pp. 026540752110380
Author(s):  
Nicole Liebers ◽  
Holger Schramm
Keyword(s):  
Real Life ◽  
Dark Triad ◽  
Parasocial Interaction ◽  
Media Characters ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Media ◽  
Research Gap ◽  
Perceived Relatedness ◽  
Parasocial Interactions ◽  
The Relationship

Individuals who score high on the dark triad of socially aversive traits—narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism—are prone to engage in short-term, non-committal romantic encounters. However, little is known about the transferability of this behavior to these individuals’ intimate interactions with media characters (i.e., romantic parasocial interactions). To close this research gap, we conducted a two-level-between-subjects experiment with young adults in Germany ( N = 116). Our results reveal that, although individuals who score high on the dark triad traits are particularly prone to engage in the specific sub-dimensions emotional love and responses to the media character of romantic parasocial interactions, they are not particularly prone to experience physical love for the media character. Moreover, our results show an alternative negative effect operating through an enhanced tendency to perceive a narrative as “corny” among those with Machiavellian and psychopathic personalities. To underline the similarity between parasocial and real-life romantic interactions, we further investigated the relationship between romantic parasocial interactions and an individual’s perceived relatedness gratification. The results suggest that interacting with and responding to the media character enhance perceived relatedness gratification, but that the romantic connotation of the parasocial interaction is not crucial for the feeling of relatedness during media reception.

Making Mischief: Peter Kosminsky, Stephen Frears and British Television Docudrama

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Paget
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Active Role ◽  
September 11 ◽  
New Labour ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Television Drama ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

This article compares and contrasts the ways in which two British television drama directors, Stephen Frears and Peter Kosminsky, critique political power in films screened as part of the BFI's 2009 ‘Radical Television Drama’ season. Frears’ The Deal (2003) and Kosminsky's The Government Inspector (2005) are films concerned with New Labour and its politics, and both take a provocative line towards its culture and policies. The Deal examines the party's rise to power in the 1990s, focusing on the relationship and rivalry for the party leadership between Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. The Government Inspector dramatises New Labour's behaviour during the critical historical period following the September 11 attack on New York, focusing in particular on the controversial case of the arms inspector, the late Dr David Kelly. The article analyses the films as docudrama, arguing that the form has raised its cultural profile over the past 20 years. Contemporary reviewing of the two films is used to throw light on wider debates about docudrama, including the notion of ‘blurred boundaries’ between drama and documentary. The analysis of key scenes from the two films contends that there are more similarities than differences in the approaches taken by the two directors. Docudramas like these, the article concludes, have an active role to play in oppositional politics.

scholarly journals Partnership of the Village Head, Village Consultative Body and Customary Institutions

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
PSPM UNIQBU
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Techniques ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Indigenous Institutions ◽  
Traditional Institutions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Village Government ◽  
Consultative Body ◽  
Administrative Tasks ◽  
The Village ◽  
The Relationship

The Government of Kayeli village is an integral part of the District government Buru where the administrative elements make the Kayeli village government have to run the administrative tasks strictly in their activities, in fact A involvement in traditional institutions that eventually affect the orientation and implementation of development. The three elements of village institutions namely village Governments, village consultative bodies and indigenous institutions are able to collaborate from planning to monitoring the development of the Kayeli village community. This research is a qualitative study aimed at describing the partnerships that awakened between institutions in the village of Kayeli. The research site is focused on Kayeli village. The number of informant interviews of 30 people consisting of village apparatus, public figures, indigenous people and local communities is taken purposive. The analytical techniques used to follow the concepts given by Miles and Huberman include data reduction, data presentation and withdrawal of conclusions. The results showed that the relationship that awakened from these three institutions was able to create harmonization of village development that materialized through the planning, implementation and supervision conducted jointly with Communication and active role in village development.

Safeguarding the future

2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 436
Author(s):  
Shaughn Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Agricultural Land ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Successful Outcome ◽  
Community Groups ◽  
Engagement Strategies ◽  
Petroleum Companies ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

The present climate of coal seam gas (CSG) production in east coast Australia illustrates the importance of consultation and engagement with the government and stakeholders. This extends particularly to agricultural and community groups, and the impact they have on government policy decisions and in some instances, knee-jerk reactions based on emotion rather than science. Farmers are (and have been) strong environmental managers who want to ensure that the protection of prime agricultural land is safeguarded for future generations—however, so do petroleum companies and working side-by-side for a successful outcome is achievable. For instance, AGL Energy has invested in the agricultural sector from vineyards to growing cattle, allowing the company to engage in the sector directly. On the ground early engagement strategies increasingly need to be implemented with agriculture, which reassures the government and provides a win-win outcome by diffusing anti-groups and community divisions by bringing opportunities for sustainable economic benefit. One of the critical questions is how can this be done successfully without it being seen by the government and community as corporate spin. Particular reference will be made to NSW and the relationship that AGL Energy has built with agriculture organisations, such as Dairy Connect NSW and community groups such as Advance Gloucester. This extended abstract will illustrate that the opportunities for growth for CSG, agriculture and the community are only limited by narrow views of what is achievable and what is drawn from real-life experiences from AGL Energy operations in NSW.

Crafting a New Compact in the Public Interest

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Keith B. Alexander ◽  
Jamil N. Jaffer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
National Security ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fair Treatment ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Leaks of highly classified information, popular views of government national security efforts, and changes in the media environment in recent years have resulted in a significant decay in the relationship between the government and the media and public trust in both institutions. To correct this harmful trend, a significant recalibration of the government-media relationship and the establishment of a new compact between them would best serve the public interest. The government should be more transparent about its national security efforts and more self-critical in classification decisions and should explain national security activities it undertakes, defending and justifying classified programs in detail whenever possible. The press must likewise be willing to afford the government fair treatment, including noting government efforts to protect national security, and to appropriately balance civil rights and privacy. It is important that these institutions work together to establish new mores on classification, government transparency, and a more responsible approach to classified disclosures.

Elections, Legitimacy, Media and Democracy: The Case of Georgia

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-487
Author(s):  
Sue Davis
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Relationship

Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems, elections serve a different function than in a fully democratic society and the media are one tool that leaders in such systems can use to enhance their legitimacy. When non-democratic leaders enjoy popularity, there is no need to finesse the media since positive coverage is easy to come by when you are popular. But if your popularity is waning and democratic habits are not well ingrained, the temptation to overtly or covertly subvert the media can be quite intense. So instead of maintaining legitimacy, elections may serve to create legitimacy or at least the appearance of legitimacy when legitimacy is lacking. To that end, regimes and leaders cannot afford to lose, and moreover need to win, elections by large margins if their legitimacy is questionable. Therefore, control over the media is more important when this is the case. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between media freedom and regime insecurity, as the insecurity of the regime goes up, the freedom of the media goes down. Couple this tendency with the fact that the media in these transitioning systems have not fully become a “fourth estate” that is strong, independent, and can hold the government and political leaders accountable and you have a climate in which the media are harassed, biased, and often co-opted. Georgia, through the 2000 presidential election, is such a political system.

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