scholarly journals Towards Symbiosis: Reflections on Government/Media Relations in Nigeria

Author(s):  
Nsikak Solomon Idiong

The media, like other institutions, do not exist in a vacuum. They operate within societies, within geo-political entities, and within the framework, restrictive or liberal, provided by other institutions and structures within any given society. Government is one of the most important factors that influence the operations of the media. Ideally, the relationship between the government and the media should be symbiotic, but in Nigeria, that relationship is often adversarial. Although some scholars have argued that the media cannot afford to be in cahoots with the government if the public’s information needs are to be served, a counter-argument is provided in this paper to the effect that the aims of development journalism and of social responsibility cannot be easily achieved if politicians and journalists cannot find a way of coexisting. The authors of this paper point to instances where governments were toppled because of their perceived insouciance and their intolerance toward press freedom. Conversely, journalists are reminded of the media’s role in the Rwandan Genocide of 1994, when some of the media were accused of beating the drums of discord and of internecine strife. In conclusion, the argument is made that the liaison between government and the media is one of society’s most important relationships and whoever trifles with that balance endangers not just the press and the government but the very survival of civilized society.

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 554-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Flavin ◽  
Fielding Montgomery

The media can play an important role in the relationship between citizens and their government by acting as a watchdog and providing timely information about malfeasance and corruption. We examine whether citizens’ perceptions of government corruption are closer to country experts’ assessments in countries where there are higher levels of press freedom. Using data on citizens’ perceptions of government corruption and country expert evaluations of levels of political corruption for over 100 countries, we present evidence that the relationship between expert measures of corruption and citizens’ perceptions is heightened as the level of press freedom increases across our sample. These findings suggest that a free press can play an important role in bringing corruption to light, educating citizens, and potentially allowing them to better hold their elected officials accountable.


2007 ◽  
Vol 192 ◽  
pp. 949-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma Ngok

AbstractTen years after the handover, Hong Kong's media faced multiple pressures. There were few cases of outright prosecution of the media, but there were subtle political and economic pressures. Co-optation of media bosses, fear of losing advertising revenue and media takeovers by pro-Beijing figures brought some of the media into line. This brought editorial shift and self-censorship, as the media systematically shied away from stories that might antagonize Beijing, underplayed negative news for the government and gave the democrats less favourable coverage. Interviews with journalists showed little evidence of ostensible intervention from government officials or media bosses, but newsroom socialization and editorial gatekeeping are effective constraints. The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press and the moral force of professional ethics lent the media the room to defend and negotiate their freedom, but the pervasive fear induced by the political environment invariably overpowered the resistance and constrained press freedom in Hong Kong.


Author(s):  
Keith B. Alexander ◽  
Jamil N. Jaffer

Leaks of highly classified information, popular views of government national security efforts, and changes in the media environment in recent years have resulted in a significant decay in the relationship between the government and the media and public trust in both institutions. To correct this harmful trend, a significant recalibration of the government-media relationship and the establishment of a new compact between them would best serve the public interest. The government should be more transparent about its national security efforts and more self-critical in classification decisions and should explain national security activities it undertakes, defending and justifying classified programs in detail whenever possible. The press must likewise be willing to afford the government fair treatment, including noting government efforts to protect national security, and to appropriately balance civil rights and privacy. It is important that these institutions work together to establish new mores on classification, government transparency, and a more responsible approach to classified disclosures.


Author(s):  
Mevy Eka Nurhalizah ◽  
Muhammad Hamdan Yuwafik

This paper tries to describe how press freedom and gender equality in the Philippines during President Rodrigo Duterte's leadership, and to answer whether the concept of the relationship of press freedom and gender equality in the Philippines also applies. This study is a literature study through the work of other researchers obtained through journals, books and the internet. The results of the study show that the concept of the relationship between freedom of the press and gender equality also applies in the Philippines. This was evidenced by a survey from the Reporters Without Boarders agency which showed press freedom in the Philippines ranked 134 out of 180 countries in 2019, down 1 place from 2018, and a survey from the World Economy Forum which showed the Philippines ranked 16th in 2019, which means it dropped to 6th rank from 2018. Freedom of the press in the Philippines is still problematic because it is hampered by the face, culture of impunity and policies of President Rodrigo Duterte. The issue of press freedom has increased gender inequality in the Philippines. Women in the media in the Philippines contribute to the field of work and content to the media.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 63-89
Author(s):  
Andrius Vaišnys

While sitting at a place designated for guests in a representative hall of the Lithuanian parliament, the Italian President was smiling at the Speaker of Seimas who was sitting right in front of him and quietly waited until the three minutes dedicated to photojournalists and television cameramen under the protocol were over. When the journalists left, his wide smile vanished, and the President confided to the Speaker of the Seimas that he ‘also’ did not like and even hated journalists but had no other choice than get used to them and be nice because they also ‘were an authority’. He agreed for his words to be translated into Lithuanian and pointed out: “A very powerful authority, unfortunately”. This situation from the end of the 20th century is in no way an exception in terms of the relationship between the media and government even if used in this article as a case example, because the author will present some more of such examples illustrating the issues of public relations (PR) of the parliament in respect of the media. It is just that this scene is quite typical. Even the description of the media as an authority that was voiced that morning was old news since it was publicly announced as in the early as 16th century in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom when observers sitting in the press gallery were called the “fourth estate”. These words of the president, who had a long experience of parliamentary work, reflect the issue of relationship between the government and the media: politicians are constantly striving to make an influence by means of the media while the media, if it is not under the governmental control, naturally distrust politicians, their messages and alleged friendliness to journalists. The journalism, nevertheless, has been recognised as the most effective means of information since the 19th century after the periodic media systems have developed, since it has been able to reach crowds, audiences, public and is still the most effective way to satisfy the need for information about the events and personae of interest to society and therefore is of a permanent interest to political and judicial authorities. That’s why the factor of the media is so important – probably the most important in systemic PR applications. That’s why in our times the structures of authority responsible for PR try not only to understand the methods of journalism but also to ‘integrate’ into the process of journalism to become the main source and even to absorb the nature of the journalism, i.e. to become a medium between a politician and the audience. Let us suppose that social networks allow PR specialists to reach at least part of their audience directly, without using a journalist. Maybe a PR specialist needs to become a journalist then, to reincarnate? The author of this article has a goal to discuss the interaction between the media and public relations when seen through the prism of interests of a state institution. We will use the case of the Lithuanian parliament.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Modu Alh. Bukar Bukar ◽  
Mohammed Kaka ◽  
Mai Dunoma Zannah

The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT SAMET

AbstractDespite recent attention to the relationship between the media and populist mobilisation in Latin America, there is a misfit between the everyday practices of journalists and the theoretical tools that we have for making sense of these practices. The objective of this article is to help reorient research on populism and the press in Latin America so that it better reflects the grounded practices and autochthonous norms of the region. To that end, I turn to the case of Venezuela, and a practice that has been largely escaped attention from scholars – the use of denuncias.


INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.


1998 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orayb Aref Najjar

This study examines press liberalization in Jordan. It argues that Jordan's evolving relations with Palestinians, its peace agreement with Israel, and media globalization have changed the context within which the Jordanian media operate and have given the government some flexibility to liberalize the press starting in 1989. However, some of the same issues that have led to press restrictions in the past have precipitated the introduction of “The Temporary Law for the Year 1997” while the parliament was not in session. The study concludes that the presence of a a loose coalition of forces working for press freedom coupled with the January 1998 High Court decision declaring the temporary law unconstitutional suggest it is premature to read a eulogy for Jordanian press freedom.


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