scholarly journals Aging in Central America and the Caribbean

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 248-254
Author(s):  
Roberth Steven Gutiérrez Murillo

The book Aging in Central America and the Caribbean, object of this review, was published in 2018 by Centro de Investigaciones sobre América Latina y el Caribe (CIALC), from the Universidad Autónoma de México, and organized by Aída Díaz-Tendero Bollain. The work addresses aging in Latin America and the Caribbean from a multidisciplinary perspective of the phenomenon under the prism of human rights, socio-economic aspects and demographic elements in the region. An important analysis is the privatization of health and social assistance services, which triggered the rupture of ties of intergenerational solidarity and challenged the continuity of economic solidarity for the elderly.

Worldview ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 8-10
Author(s):  
Paul E. Sigmund

It is not unlikely that within the next two years nearly every country in Latin America will be governed by an elected civilian regime. This might surprise most Americans, accustomed as we are to thinking about the region in terms of coup-prone military governments and repressive oligarchies. We are surprised too at the recent embrace of democracy in Latin America by the Reagan administration. Some of its leading representatives went about touting the virtues of authoritarian government; but the administration has found that it is good politics to promote democracy and free elections in Central America and the Caribbean— and politically impossible to resume aid to regimes with bad human rights records. In fact, “Project Democracy” is the latest buzzword of Reagan's Latin American policy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-141
Author(s):  
Dani José Villalobos Soto

El  Cooperativismo entre las Repúblicas Bolivariana de Venezuela y Nicaragua, consolidan la expresión de la democracia entre ambas naciones, de manera que este término “Cooperativismo”, constituye la nueva forma de integración de América Latina y el Caribe. Esta investigación analiza el Acuerdo de Cooperación Energética entre  la República de Nicaragua y la República Bolivariana de Venezuela caso PETROCARIBE, 2007-2009. El logro de los objetivos se  basa acerca de la economía en PETROCARIBE y las estadísticas sobre la balanza comercial entre ambos países. Esta investigación fue de tipo documental-descriptivo, el diseño bibliográfico y las fases utilizadas fueron descriptivos, analíticos, interpretativos y constructivos. Se concluye  que el Acuerdo de Cooperación Energética PETROCARIBE, constituye una alternativa para la República de Nicaragua permitiendo dar espacio al desarrollo en áreas como  economía, sociedad, producción, cultura entre otras, y para la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, aparte de fortalecer los aspectos económicos, fortifica aun más los aspectos de política exterior.SummaryThe cooperation among the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and Nicaragua, strengthen the democracy expression between both nations, so the term       "cooperativism" is the new form of integration of Latin America and the Caribbean. This research analyzes the Energetic Cooperation Agreement between the Republic of Nicaragua and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, PETROCARIBE case, 2007-2009. The achievement of the objectives is based on the economy in PETROCARIBE and the commercial balance statistics between both countries. This research was documentary-descriptive; the literature design and phases used were descriptive, analytical, interpretive and constructive. We conclude that the PETROCARIBE Energetic Cooperation Agreement represents an alternative to the Republic of Nicaragua, by allowing space for development in areas such as economy, society, production, culture, among others; and for the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, besides strengthening the economic aspects, it even strengthens the foreign policy aspects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-347
Author(s):  
Hugo Agra

O artigo analisa um tema pouco abordado na literatura brasileira de relações internacionais: a atuação das políticas externas do Brasil e do México para a criação do Grupo de Contadora (1983), Grupo de Apoio à Contadora (1985) e do Grupo do Rio (1987). Esses grupos tiveram papéis importantes nas tentativas de estabilização dos problemas políticos, econômicos e sociais da América Central a partir dos anos 1980. O artigo está dividido em quatro partes: i) compreensão da criação do Grupo de Contadora, do Grupo de Apoio à Contadora e a atuação do Brasil e do México, ii) destaque aos principais objetivos desses dois grupos, iii) explica o “dilema” das políticas externas do Brasil e do México diante das ações estadunidenses para a América Central e iv) e descreve a criação e os objetivos do Grupo do Rio. Por meio de uma pesquisa explicativa, onde é fundamental reunir informações sobre vários assuntos para entender de forma mais abrangente um tema específico, o artigo faz uso de fontes secundárias que analisam as relações internacionais da América Latina e os processos decisórios das políticas externas do Brasil e do México na década de 1980, além de algumas fontes primárias, como documentos oficiais dos acordos celebrados e declarações presidenciais disponíveis em arquivos dos sites eletrônicos da presidência ou chancelaria dos países. Conclui-se mostrando que os dois países foram fundamentais para o processo de estabilização política, principalmente na região centro-americana, não só pela importância histórica, política e econômica de cada um, mas também pelo fato de que a formação desses grupos foram importantes para dirimir litígios, acelerar a resolução de conflitos entre os países do continente, além de ter sido um período de aproximação e fortalecimento da relação bilateral Brasil-México.         ABSTRACT: The article analyzes a theme little addressed in the Brazilian literature of international relations: the performance of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico for the creation of the Contadora Group (1983), the Contadora Support Group (1985) and the Rio Group (1987). These groups played important roles in attempts to stabilize the political, economic and social problems of Central America from the 1980s onwards. The article is divided into four parts: i) an understanding of the creation of the Contadora Group, the Contadora Support Group and the actions of Brazil and Mexico, ii) highlighting the main objectives of these two groups, iii) explaining the "dilemma" of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the face of US actions for Central America, and iv) describing the creation and objectives of the Rio Group. By means of an explanatory survey, where it is essential to gather information on various subjects in order to understand more comprehensively a specific theme, the article makes use of secondary sources that analyze the international relations of Latin America and the decision-making processes of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the 1980s, in addition to some primary sources, such as official documents of the agreements signed and presidential declarations available on the archives of the electronic sites of the presidency or chancellery of the countries. It concludes by showing that both countries were fundamental to the process of political stabilization, especially in the Central American region, not only because of their historical, political and economic importance, but also because the formation of these groups was important to settle disputes, accelerate the resolution of conflicts between the countries of the continent, and was a period of rapprochement and strengthening of the bilateral relationship between Brazil and Mexico. Keywords: International Relations; Latin America; Contadora Group; Rio Group.       Aprovado em: setembro/2019. Recebido em: agosto/2020.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Martha Melizza Ordóñez-Díaz ◽  
Luisa María Montes-Arias ◽  
Giovanna Del Pilar Garzón-Cortes

Considering environmental education as a social tool allowing individuals to achieve a significant knowledge of the inhabited environment, to reduce the probability of occurrence of a disaster, and to respond to the presence of natural phenomena to which people are vulnerable, this article aims to generate a space for reflection on the importance of environmental education in the management of the social and natural risk in five countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. For this purpose, the paper presents a descriptive review of primary and secondary bibliographical sources referring to the performance of the management of social and natural risks related to environmental education in Colombia, Nicaragua, Mexico, Chile, and Jamaica between 1994 and 2015. In this period, a solid administrative and legislative organization of this management and environmental education is evident, but these two themes are clearly separated when implementing citizen projects: a situation that has generated shortcomings in the management of natural disasters, specifically under the principles of precaution and prevention. For this reason, this article offers a series of recommendations that include the dissemination of information, the creation of centers for the management of risk reduction, the strengthening of communication strategies, and the establishment of response plans and post-disaster recovery. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Jorge Augusto Paz

This paper describes one of the ways in which poverty and economic inequality is reproduced in Latin America. This study analyzed certain mechanisms of educational social exclusion among children attending the sixth grade of the primary education in 17 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. The study shows the intergenerational transmission of poverty and inequality through education is one of the mechanisms that slow convergence towards decent living standards, while uncovering one of the many processes of the violation of rights of children contemplated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. On the other hand, this study seeks to identify relevant variables to enumerate public policy actions, such as Conditional Transfer Programs aimed at breaking the cycle of–or reducing the intensity of–the reproduction of the poverty and the inequality. To this end, the conditioning opportunities are distinguished (called "endowments") from those that operate independently, so that identical opportunities generate different results.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-155
Author(s):  
Eduardo Biacchi Gomes ◽  
Ane Elise Brandalise Gonçalves

O presente artigo tem por fim analisar, sob a ótica do descolonialismo, os avanços da legislação brasileira em relação aos critérios para concessão do asilo. Para tanto, parte-se do próprio conceito de descolonialismo e a sua aplicabilidade dentro do contexto atual para construção dos Direitos Humanos na América Latina, de forma a cotejar com a nova legislação brasileira em relação aos critérios para fins de concessão de asilo e de refúgio. Por fim, de forma a demonstrar a importância do tema frente ao Sistema Interamericano de Proteção aos Direitos Humanos, questionar-se-á quanto a possibilidade de referidos temas serem analisados por parte da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH). Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze, from the point of view of decolonialism, the advances of Brazilian legislation in relation to the criteria for granting asylum. In order to do so, it is based on the very concept of decolonialism and its applicability within the current context for the construction of Human Rights in Latin America, in order to compare with the new Brazilian legislation in relation to the criteria for granting asylum and refuge. Finally, in order to demonstrate the importance of the issue in the Inter-American System for the Protection of Human Rights, it will be questioned whether the above-mentioned issues can be analyzed by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 160
Author(s):  
Juliane Sachser Angnes ◽  
Elisa Yoshie Ichikawa ◽  
Marcel Luciano Klozovski ◽  
Maria De Fátima Quintal de Freitas

This theoretical essay proposes to understand how the contemporary conception of Human Rights is configured, and from that, to articulate the affirmative actions for Indigenous peoples inserted in this conception. In other words, it reflects on how this process took place in Latin America, that is, whether these actions proposed in Latin America for Indigenous peoples adopt a perspective constituted by the “subject of law” being seen in its particularity and peculiarity, and whether there have been advances or setbacks. The results showed that, specifically, from the conceptions presented at the International Labor Organization (OIT) there was a break in the integrationist paradigm, showing a real advance in the expressions of these conceptions and the ways in which indigenous societies are understood, at least in the applied legislation in Latin America. However, there is still much to reflect on and fight for.


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