scholarly journals Is There Room for Targeting within Universalism? Finnish Social Assistance Recipients as Social Citizens

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-154
Author(s):  
Paula Saikkonen ◽  
Minna Ylikännö

This article focuses on the role of means-tested social assistance in Finland, which is often considered one of the Nordic welfare states described as having a universal welfare model. The article scrutinises the capacity of the final safety net to enhance the social citizenship of social assistance recipients. The Finnish social security system combines social insurance (earnings-related benefits), universal benefits (flat-rate benefits), free or affordable public services, and social assistance as a means-tested and targeted element, and thus it is a discussion on the degree of universalism that best captures the nature of universalism in the Finnish welfare state. Because the final safety net includes public services (especially social work) and income transfers (especially social assistance), its ability to strengthen social citizenship depends on both elements—separately and as a combination—as there may be a simultaneous need for financial aid and services. Whilst national registers provide data on social assistance, there is no national register data on municipal social services, which is why a survey was conducted. In this study, the heterogenic clients supported by the final safety net were described based on an open-ended question in the survey data. Statistics were then used to evaluate the frequency of client groups (capable clients, persistent clients, invisible clients, safety net dropouts). The article concludes that universalism as a social policy principle is challenged by the diversity of the clientele.

2021 ◽  
pp. 843-862
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ferrera

In Southern Europe, welfare state building followed a distinct path, characterized by ‘weak Fordism’ in labour markets, a dualistic social insurance, and a faulty and fragmented safety net. The (extended) family thus played a key role as welfare and income provider for its members, penalizing women’s autonomy and employment opportunities. The 1990s and 2000s witnessed substantial efforts to modernize both labour markets and social protection schemes, by recalibrating their coverage both across risks and social groups. However, the economic crisis of the 2010s halted such recalibration and the gap with Europe’s more developed welfare states has again started to widen, especially in Italy and Greece.


Author(s):  
David Garland

The newly-emergent welfare states shared a distinctive set of features that set them apart both from the old poor laws and from state socialism. ‘The Welfare State 1.0’ identifies these defining features and describes how welfare states are structured. Welfare states generally have five institutional sectors: social insurance; social assistance; publicly funded social services; social work and personal social services; and economic governance. The WS 1.0 forms that predominated from the 1940s until the 1980s are described. Another feature of the welfare state landscape is sometimes called the ‘hidden welfare state’; it consists of welfare benefits that are channelled through the tax system or through private employment contracts.


Author(s):  
Anna Kahlmeter

This chapter utilises longitudinal Swedish register data to examine youths' labour market trajectories, with a focus on the complexity, timing, and duration of labour market disadvantage for individuals with and without experience of early adulthood economic hardship, as indicated by different degrees of social assistance receipt. Findings from multinomial regression suggest that when early adulthood economic hardship is extensive, this is associated with elevated risks of disadvantaged labour market trajectories, such as having an insecure labour market position through large parts of the twenties or following a track of long-term labour market exclusion. On the other hand, experience of low degrees of hardship only had a weak association with disadvantaged labour market trajectories. These findings imply that social-democratic welfare states such as the Swedish one are effective in addressing low levels of financial hardship without incurring long-term disadvantages through a relatively generous benefits and social services system. However, similar to liberal welfare states, the Swedish welfare state also struggles when hardship is prolonged and the family is not available as a safety net.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 549-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathalie Morel ◽  
Chloé Touzet ◽  
Michaël Zemmour

This article offers a reflection on how integrating fiscal welfare into welfare state research can shed light on some subtle, yet important, transformations of welfare states and social citizenship in Europe. We begin by clarifying the concepts of fiscal welfare and social tax expenditures (STEs), by reviewing and critically assessing the various related concepts found in the literature. We also map out the empirical knowledge currently available, highlighting the limitations in the available data. Then, drawing on both existing knowledge (developed especially in the context of the US welfare state) and the emerging literature on fiscal welfare in Europe, we identify a number of trends and set out some hypotheses as to why tax expenditures have become a privileged instrument in the field of social policy: not only do STEs appear as a useful instrument to build consensus across party lines in a context of budgetary austerity and strong control of public expenditures, they also enable the discreet privatization of social insurance schemes. Fiscal welfare also allows for a new mode of governing social policy through incentives, which entails a different mode of redistribution than traditional social policy instruments. Finally, we identify the remaining empirical and theoretical gaps to guide future research on the subject.


Author(s):  
Quan Lu ◽  
Zehao Cai ◽  
Bin Chen ◽  
Tao Liu

The 2020 coronavirus pandemic has catapulted China into a serious social and political crisis. This article focuses upon how Chinese social policy has responded to the Covid-19 crisis. It reveals that the Chinese welfare state has woven a comprehensive social safety net to mitigate the social suffering of Chinese society in the mid- and post-crisis periods. Different types of social policy programs have been combined and synthesized, including social insurance, social assistance, and social welfare arrangements. Facing the challenges of the new risks caused by the pandemic, the collaboration of the Chinese state and intermediary social welfare organizations has played a crucial role in providing both cash benefits and social services (benefits in kind). For the first time, social policy in China has acted as a major player for coping with the negative outcomes of a pandemic. This article concludes that the pandemic-related crisis has justified an interventionist approach and logic, driven by the state’s welfare system, which favors a model of “big government”. However, this model also requires justification and legitimation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 270-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dion KRAMER

AbstractWhile ideas on ‘earned citizenship’ have been around in discussions on the coexistence of freedom of movement and nationally-bounded welfare states in the European Union, both the concept and the process it entails have hardly been explored in connection to EU (case) law. This contribution identifies earned citizenship as a technique of government in the broader political strategy of neoliberal communitarianism, requiring Union citizens to ‘earn’ access to the welfare system through an emphasis on their individual responsibility to fulfil the economic, social and cultural conditions of membership. Analysing economically inactive Union citizens’ access to social assistance benefits, it argues that earned citizenship has been visible since the Court’s early citizenship jurisprudence, but has been reconstructed with the recentDano-line of case law.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mine Eder

AbstractInformed by the debates on the transformation of welfare states in advanced industrial economies, this article evaluates the changing role of the state in welfare provision in Turkey. Turkey's welfare state has long been limited and inegalitarian. Strong family ties coupled with indirect and informal channels of welfare (ranging from agricultural subsidies to informal housing—both costly but politically expedient) have compensated for the welfare vacuum. At first glance, Turkey's welfare reform that emerged from the 2000-2001 fiscal crisis appears like a classic case of moving towards a minimalist, 'neoliberal' welfare regime—with increasingly privatized health care and private social insurance. The state retreats via the subcontracting of welfare provision to private actors, growing involvement of charity organizations, and increasing public-private cooperation in education, health, and anti-poverty schemes. Yet, there is also evidence of the expansion of state power. The newly empowered 'General Directorate of Social Assistance and Solidarity (SYDGM)' manages an ever-increasing budget for social assistance, the number of mean-tested health insurance (Green Card) holders explodes, health care expenditures rise substantially, and municipalities become important liaisons for channeling private money and donations for antipoverty purposes. The cumulative effect is an 'institutional welfare-mix' that has actually mutated so as to compensate for the absence of the earlier, politically attractive but fiscally unsustainable welfare conduits. The result has so far been the creation of immense room for political patronage, the expansion of state power, and no significant improvement of welfare governance.


Obiter ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Letlhokwa George Mpedi ◽  
Daleen Millard

Access to social protection interventions, such as social assistance, social insurance and private insurance, in South Africa is limited. For that reason, plugging the holes in the safety net is undoubtedly one of the most pressing challenges facing South Africa in its quest to design a comprehensive social protection system. The point is that vulnerable persons, just like any other persons, have to contend with social risks (for example, death, poor health, invalidity, etcetera). As a result, similarly to all other persons, they require protection against these risks. It is clear that the current social protection interventions (particularly social insurance, social assistance and privateinsurance) fail to protect every person in need of such protection adequately in South Africa. Thus, the contribution sets out to investigate the prospects of micro-insurance being used as an instrument to extend social protection coverage to the excluded and marginalized persons in South Africa.


Author(s):  
Maria Heiskanen

The objective of this article is to understand problem gamblers’ experiences of recovery from financial difficulties caused by problem gambling. Specifically, financial social assistance from public services is considered. A sample of 17 interviews with Finnish self-identified, treatment-seeking problem gamblers from various financial positions was analyzed qualitatively using thematic content analysis. The analysis revealed four themes. The first theme examines how the financial concerns of problem gamblers were left unaddressed by treatment professionals. The second theme discusses the rationalizations behind not applying for or not receiving financial social assistance from public services. The reasons behind not applying for financial social assistance were related to financial stability and perceived pride derived from surviving independently (loss of pride when not being able to survive independently). Not receiving assistance despite applying for it was mostly because of their income having been assessed as adequate by the social services. Third theme examines receiving financial social assistance during, or after, problematic gambling. Participants living on welfare often spent their benefits on gambling in the hopes of an increased income. Recovering lower-income problem gamblers also received financial social assistance for living expenses or for treatment. Fourth, non-governmental and more controlling forms of financial support were (1) financial assistance within private safety nets, (2) support for over-indebtedness from an NGO, or (3) private person/official authority taking control over problem gamblers’ financial matters. The socio-economic background factors are important to address when designing financial and other support for problem gamblers. The results of this study provide useful information for future survey studies of the topic.Dans cet article, on cherche à comprendre le vécu des joueurs pathologiques qui ont dû surmonter des problèmes d’argent en raison du jeu compulsif. Plus particulièrement, on s’est intéressé à l’aide sociale financière offerte par les services publics. Un échantillon de 17 entrevues avec des Finlandais s’étant déclarés joueurs pathologiques à la recherche d’un traitement et se trouvant dans différentes situations financières a été étudié qualitativement à partir d’une analyse du contenu thématique. De cette analyse, quatre thèmes ont été dégagés. Le premier porte sur la façon dont les fournisseurs de traitement n’ont pas tenu compte des soucis matériels des joueurs pathologiques. Le deuxième parle des arguments avancés pour ne pas avoir demandé ou reçu d’aide sociale financière des services publics. Les raisons s’opposant à la présentation d’une telle demande avaient trait à la stabilité financière et à la fierté ressentie au fait d’assurer seul sa survie. Dans la plupart des cas, les personnes qui n’avaient pas reçu d’aide même après avoir fait une demande pour en obtenir disposaient d’un revenu que les services sociaux jugeaient adéquat. Le troisième aborde l’aide sociale financière qui a été reçue durant ou après les problèmes de jeu. Les participants vivant de l’aide sociale dépensaient souvent leurs prestations au jeu dans l’espoir d’augmenter leur revenu. Les joueurs pathologiques en voie de guérison dont le revenu était plus faible ont également reçu de l’aide sociale financière pour leurs dépenses courantes ou pour leur traitement. Le quatrième traite des formes de soutien monétaire non gouvernementales et plus contrôlantes, notamment (1) l’aide financière dans le cadre de filets de sécurité privés, (2) l’aide fournie par une organisation non gouvernementale pour le surendettement ou (3) un particulier ou une autorité officielle qui prend en main les problèmes d’argent des joueurs pathologiques. Il est important d’examiner les facteurs en matière de contexte socioéconomique au moment de concevoir des mécanismes de soutien financier ou autres pour les joueurs pathologiques. Les résultats de cette étude fournissent des renseignements utiles pour de futures études par sondage sur ce sujet.


2010 ◽  
Vol 30 (7) ◽  
pp. 1135-1152 ◽  
Author(s):  
YOUNG JUN CHOI ◽  
JIN WOOK KIM

ABSTRACTOld-age income security has become one of the most important social policy issues in two East Asian emerging welfare states, South Korea and Taiwan, as they transform at a remarkable pace into societies with a representation of older people approaching that of western countries. During the last two decades, the two countries have developed different forms of social protection for older people. South Korea has expanded social insurance pensions with means-tested benefits, whereas Taiwan has introduced flat-rate old-age allowance programmes that exclude the rich rather than target the poor. much has been written about these programmes, but their actual performance in reducing old-age poverty has not been thoroughly examined. This paper analyses the anti-poverty effect of these programmes, firstly by describing recent developments in the two countries, and secondly by examining headcount poverty rates and the size and incidence of the ‘poverty gap’ using nationally-representative micro-household datasets. We argue that while the programmes have increasingly reduced old-age income security, the different policy choices have resulted in distinctive welfare outcomes in the two countries. In the final section of the article, we discuss the long-term implications of the recent policy reforms.


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