scholarly journals The stages of the US Mediterranean policy`s development in the 19th century: geopolitical outlines and economic interests

Author(s):  
Stanislav Kovalskyi

The Mediterranean Sea is an important geopolitical region which defines the economic and strategic interests of the world powers, including the USA. The author`s vision of the US Mediterranean policy and its periodization was presented in the article. Research objective: the paper is devoted to the problem of the US Mediterranean policy in the 19th century. The purpose of the presented study is to research origin and development of the US Mediterranean policy taking into account the context of the European and world historical processes. Scientific novelty: the innovative nature of the article lies in the revision of the approach to the US Mediterranean policy`s timeline. The author`s periodization of the US Mediterranean policy was presented in the research. A special attention was focused on the US economic and geopolitical interests` transformations at each stage. Research methods. The history and genetic method was used in the article. It helps to research the origins of the US Mediterranean policy and to separate this policy into self-contained stages. Author`s periodization of the US Mediterranean policy became practical results of the mentioned method. The author demonstrated connections between all stages as holistic process of the American foreign policy`s evolution. An accent is done on research of geopolitical and economic interests of the USA in the field of the system analysis. That allows to consider connection between American foreign policy and European and world historical processes. The influence of the Concert of Europe and the Doctrine of Monroe on the US Mediterranean policy was taken into account also. Conclusions. In contradiction with widespread vision of the US Mediterranean policy in the 19th century as an unseparated historical period, it is possible to defined three stages. The first period (1776–1823) represented the early vision of the American state`s economic interests. The US Mediterranean policy until 1823 was characterized by intensive commercial, political and military activity in the region. The first military conflict in the history of the USA as an independent state was connected with the trade routes and security of navigation in the Mediterranean Sea. The second period (1823–1898) was characterized by principles of the Monroe Doctrine. During the period of isolationism, the USA maintained diplomatic and economic ties with the Mediterranean countries. A main aspect of the US Mediterranean policy at the mention period consisted of the humanitarian and commercial efforts in the Northern Africa and The Middle East. The third period (1898–1914) showed a gradually revision of the Monroe Doctrine. The transformation of the American political course was observed after the Spanish war and in the eve of the First World War. It was concluded that the Mediterranean policy of the USA in 19th century had an evolutional character and corresponded with inclusive European and American policy. Each of the mentioned stages represented an important period of history of the American diplomacy and foreign policy, that is why a research has a prospect for a future survey.

2012 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-40
Author(s):  
Ana Leticia Padeski Ferreira ◽  
Marchi Júnior Wanderley

Abstract The purpose of this article is to discuss the changes that took place in relation to the peculiarities of Capoeira within Brazilian society. This popular practice, which is considered a martial art, a dance and a game, developed during the 19th century, where it was practiced by individuals from the lower walks of life. Practicing Capoeira was a felony, as it posed a threat to public safety, order, and morality. Presently, it has been upgraded to a Brazilian cultural asset, which shows how the perception of its practice has changed. These changes follow the different views of the historical processes related to abolitionism and the perverse incorporation of blacks into society at that time, which have continued until present time, having undergone significant changes and grown as a valued physical expression


Author(s):  
Eric Schnakenbourg

In the Early Modern era, the Baltic Sea was called the Nordic Mediterranean because of its unique outlet on the high seas and its narrowness. Like its southern counterpart, the Baltic is at the crossroads of several peoples and cultures. Also like the Mediterranean Sea, the Baltic had different populations on each of its shores, yet in another way facilitated relations and became a space for interconnections. Throughout its history, peoples from Scandinavia, Poland, Germany, Russia, and the Baltic lands developed not only all sorts of peaceful relations and exchanges, but also competed with each other in long-lasting rivalries or military confrontations. Between the 16th century and the first half of the 19th century, the Baltic region experienced dramatic internal and external changes resulting from its ever-growing connections with the rest of Europe. Baltic issues, however, did not have the same importance for all the surrounding countries: it was the only horizon for Sweden, which enjoyed sovereignty over Finland until 1809, and the main horizon for Denmark, which ruled Norway until 1814. For Scandinavians, the Baltic Sea was a necessary interface for various kinds of exchanges with the external world, whether regional neighbors or continental Europe. In one way or another, the history of the Swedish and Danish kingdoms is interwoven with the history of the Baltic. Scandinavians devoted great attention to this neighboring sea for their shipping and trade, as well as for their security and political influence. The situation is somewhat similar for the Baltic provinces (Estonia, Livonia, and Ingria), which were always under foreign rule, first Swedish then Russian, in the Early Modern period. On the other side of the sea, for the German states, the Polish Republic, and the Russian Empire, the Baltic was simply one theater of foreign policy among others, even though its importance changed over time according to the political or economic context. As for commerce, while during the Middle Ages the Baltic region traded with the rest of Europe, starting in the 16th century, the situation changed as the continental economy shifted from the Mediterranean to the northwest. European population growth and the development of long-distance shipping and commerce meant increasing needs for grain and naval stores. This created new demand for Baltic economic resources and products and for transporting those exports. Consequently, new international rivalries and struggles occurred in the Baltic. At first, these conflicts were among the regional countries, but increasingly the main European powers as well. The Baltic Sea then became an important theater for European international politics, and almost every continental war had a Baltic component. The history of the Baltic Sea from the 16th century to the middle of the 19th century must be considered from two perspectives: first, relations among the regional countries and peoples; and second, relations with the world outside the Baltic, whether foreign powers and regions or even other seas, for political, military, and trade matters.


2018 ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
Miron LAKOMY

French-American relations certainly are among the most complex and at the same time most controversial in French foreign policy. The main factors that determine the nature of relations between France and the US include culture. A few features can be pointed out here to demonstrate their unique nature. Firstly, the importance of anti-American sentiments and Francophobia (anti-French sentiments) should be emphasized. The roots of these broadly shared attitudes may be sought both in the past (the experiences ofWWIand WWII) as well as in the present political relations between the two countries. The French nation is generally critical of American foreign policy, the US social and economic system. In the USA, in turn, we come across a similar attitude of Francophobia. This mainly stems from the commonly shared image of France as a difficult, chaotic and unpredictable ally. While anti-American sentiments and Francophobia do not translate into political decisions made either in Washington or Paris, they still influence the atmosphere of mutual relations, as became apparent when American restaurant owners boycotted French wines during the Iraqi crisis. At the same time, though, both nations recognize each other’s achievements in such fields as culture, art or human rights. Secondly, the “conflict of universalism” described by Stanley Hoffman is worth noting. As both countries deem themselves to be the cradle of such universal values as liberty, equality, justice and human rights, they both assign themselves with a unique status among other countries. It is true that the repertoire of values France and the US represent is nearly identical, yet they are frequently understood differently on both sides of the Atlantic. Thirdly, the French-American relations are also profoundly influenced by the common French belief in France being an exceptional and powerful country. The national perspective and the manifestation of France’s privileged position in the international arena are to a significant degree present in their relations with the US. Ezra Suleiman, among others, observed that the French political elite were allergic to any forms of political, economic or cultural domination. Other issues that influence the state of French-American relations concern differences in the economic or social system, or the role of religion in the life of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 323-333
Author(s):  
Wael Zakaria Farag

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine evolution of the American strategy toward terrorism in the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001. In other words, this study revolves around a key question: How and why the American security strategy toward terrorism evolved in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks in 2001? Based on the neorealist approach in international relations, this paper attempted to answer that question: first, through defining the concept of terrorism and how the Americans perceive it; second, via pinpointing the characteristic of the American counter-terrorism strategy before September 11 attacks; and third, through examining the effects of those terrorist attacks on that strategy. Design/methodology/approach The nature of the subject of this study calls for reliance on the analytical descriptive approach to highlight the role and strategy of the USA in the fight against terrorism following the events of September 11, in addition to the use of the system analysis methodology, which can identify the inputs and outputs of the system that had an impact in formulating the US counter-terrorism strategy. Findings This study has come up with seven findings. The first finding was that the 9/11 attacks served as a turning point of the US counter-terrorism strategy and restructured its agenda. Confronting the communist threat had been its primary objective, until terrorism came to the fore and became its first and foremost priority. The USA vowed that terrorism is its enemy and waged the war on terror to thwart its risk as a global threat. The second finding revolves around the idea of double standards in the American foreign policy. True to its long-standing tradition of favoring its own interests, in complete disregard of the interests of any other party, the USA continued to uphold the double-standards policy. Originality/value This study adds a new study to the Arab Library in the field of counter-terrorism studies, national security strategies and American foreign policy. In addition, the researcher seeks to complete the scientific effort to study the US strategy against terrorism, with a clear impact on the development of the situation in the region. This study contributes to the study of how one of the great powers in the international system, the USA, deals with the terrorist organizations that have become widespread in the Arab region.


Author(s):  
Yaroslav Myshanych

The essay reviews the studies of Mykhailo Maksymovych that deal with the three works of the 18th–19th-century Ukrainian historiography. According to M. Maksymovych, one may classify the syncretic historiographic works within three main types. These are Cossack chronicles of the late 17th – early 18th centuries, journalistic pamphlets of the late 18th century, and historical novels of the mid-19th century. The scholar used different approaches analyzing the works from the mentioned groups (chronicle by Hryhorii Hrabianka, “History of Ruthenians”, and “The Commoners’ Council” by Panteleimon Kulish). The scholarly historiography of the time was not still shaped enough and the works from the field could have features of fiction and research studies simultaneously. The authors, who didn’t understand history as a separate research field, were free of modern limits and could easily use both fictional and research techniques within the same work. The strict critical attitude of the scholar towards the chronicle by Hryhorii Hrabianka changed into tolerant in the case of “History of Ruthenians” and moderate critical in the analysis of “The Commoners’ Council”. M. Maksymovych tried to be objective in covering historical processes and worked hard to develop a scholarly approach in the evaluation of Ukrainian historiographical prose. Maksymovych took into account the specificity of every single work and, based on the ideas of his predecessors and contemporaries, rather accurately defined the proper frames of the scholarly historiography. At the same time, the scholar didn’t deny the value of fictional works based on historical events.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Marszałek ◽  
Tadeusz Kasperczyk ◽  
Robert Walaszek

The history of orthopedically-oriented manual therapy goes back to the earliest times; those who dealt with this issue, although under different names, were: Hippocrates, Galen and many others. However, osteopathy is considered as the moment of birth of the field. Itoriginated in the USA in the second half of the 19th century, and its founder is A.T. Still. Chiropractics are, apart from osteopathy, the main trend in modern manual therapy. The aim of the article was to show the biography of the creator of chiropractics - Daniel David Palmer (1845-1913), taking into account his concept of manual therapy, referring to both theoretical and diagnostic issues as well as means of treatment (mobilisation). In this article, the following issues are also discussed: 1) characteristics of blocking, its causes and symptoms, with particular emphasis on subluxation; 2) trends in chiropractics: conservative and liberal; 3) diagnostics illustrated by the example of the sacroiliac joint with an indication for recommended functional tests; 4) the most important methods of manual therapy currently used; 5) a survey among specialists of manual therapy concerning selected aspects of teaching in the course of study and the use of mobilisation and manipulation by physiotherapists during their everyday practice with patients. The paper was written on the basis of a literature search using databases, i.e. Web of Science, New PubMed and Google Scholar.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 90-101
Author(s):  
Heba Zahra

Purpose The USA has been suffering from international/transnational terrorism for decades. There is no consensus on whether this situation is a result of the international status of the USA and the principles it upholds or the policies it embraces in its interaction with the outside world. Design/methodology/approach This study adopts both the “American Primacy” theory and the “anti-Americanism” theory in its effort to reach a conclusion concerning this issue. This study aims to examine previous research that linked international terrorism to the US hegemony and the principles it abides by and showed the relevance of this perception to the “American Primacy” theory. It also examines the research that considered international/transnational terrorism as a result of the American foreign policy in its various aspects (economic, military, assistance or a whole combination of policies). Findings This literature on the American foreign policy and international/transnational terrorism was extensive and manifested the explanatory power of the “anti-Americanism” theory, especially in its three variants: issue-oriented, ideological and instrumental. While examining the foreign policy terrorism studies, the relevance of the “American Primacy” theory appeared at very few instances. Originality/value The study was able to prove that explaining the international/transnational terrorism is related to the foreign policy decisions taken by the American policymakers and cause harm to the outside world. The envy of “American Primacy” is of secondary importance.


Author(s):  
V. Y. Vorobiev

Long-standing objectives of U.S. foreign policy remain unaltered regardless of the person incumbent. The US elite unanimously see the purpose of maintaining its leading role in international relations. It is still possible that there will be some corrections the American foreign policy but they will not alter the general line. Donald Trump won the US presidential elections. He announced one of his strategic lines in foreign policy is to deter China. From the author's point of view, is to have complex consequences in economics, foreign-policy and defense strategies. The economic growth of China is declining, albeit for the past decades China became the second world power. The USA, at the same time, successfully overcame the consequences of financial crisis 2009. Nowadays, the GDP gap between considering countries is growing again and China is unlikely to reduce it in the short term. It is possible that during the diplomatic negotiations, the USA will reduce its influence in some world regions: they are ready to redistribute the spheres responsibility and demonstrate their attentive position to the interests of other state. The US-China relationships exist in changeable and dynamic forms and in this context, China relates to the stability of its partnership with Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Aleksei D. Katkov

In the 1990s the end of the Cold War and the US’s efforts to build a “new world order” actualized in scientific discourse the problem of understanding the principle of state sovereignty. Moreover, due to the WTO accession, the discussion among United States’ scholars intensified about the preservation of sovereignty of their own state. As a result, both the US authorities and most experts advocate the inviolability of the sovereignty of their country, noting, however, that it might be temporarily limited by different international obligations, first of all by economic agreements, but this does not affect it radically and the possibility of withdrawing from various kinds of contracts remains. At the same time, the last superpower’s foreign policy actions at the end of the 20th century (interference in the internal affairs of Grenada, Nicaragua, Panama, Haiti, Yugoslavia, etc.) clearly illustrate the disregard for the sovereignty of other states. In an attempt to explain this policy, they argued that sovereignty, while remaining a significant principle in general, can be lost, which opens up the legitimate path to the internationalization of a conflict. All in all, despite the fact that such an understanding of sovereignty as a conditional principle, is not new in itself, the United States took some steps to extend this understanding to the whole world, granting itself the right to single-handedly determine cases where and why sovereign rights are lost.


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