On the attenuation of Lg waves in western and central Asia and their use as a discriminant between earthquakes and explosions

1981 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 249-261
Author(s):  
Otto W. Nuttli
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Surface Waves ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Amplitude Ratio ◽  
Epicentral Distance ◽  
Amplitude Ratios ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
P Waves ◽  
Anelastic Attenuation ◽  
The Soviet Union

abstract Data from earthquakes and explosions in the western and central parts of the Soviet Union are used to determine the values of the coefficient of anelastic attenuation of 1-sec period Lg waves from the Russian uplands region and for the region from the Caspian Sea to the southern perimeter of the Soviet Union. For the former region, the value is approximately 0.15 deg−1, and for the latter 0.35 deg−1. Using the empirical Veith and Clawson (1972) curve for the amplitude of P waves at regional distances and theoretical curves for the attenuation of higher mode surface waves for Lg, curves are constructed which show the variation of the amplitude ratio of Lg to P with epicentral distance, with the coefficient of anelastic attenuation as a parameter. When data from explosions and earthquakes in the Soviet Union are compared with the calculated curves, the amplitude ratios of Lg and P on the average are larger for earthquakes than explosions. However, there is much overlap, so that this ratio by itself does not appear to be a useful discriminant between earthquakes and explosions.

Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-413
Author(s):  
Rizal Abdul Kadir
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The United Nations

After twenty-two years of negotiations, in Aktau on August 12, 2018, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Iran, Russia, and Turkmenistan signed the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea. The preamble of the Convention stipulates, among other things, that the Convention, made up of twenty-four articles, was agreed on by the five states based on principles and norms of the Charter of the United Nations and International Law. The enclosed Caspian Sea is bordered by Iran, Russia, and three states that were established following dissolution of the Soviet Union, namely Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan.

scholarly journals Mental health services in Azerbaijan

2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-17
Author(s):  
Fuad Ismayilov
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Mental Health Services ◽  
Health Services ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Total Population ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union

Azerbaijan is a nation with a Turkic population which regained its independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It has an area of approximately 86 000 km2. Georgia and Armenia, the other countries comprising the Transcaucasian region, border Azerbaijan to the north and west, respectively. Russia also borders the north, Iran and Turkey the south, and the Caspian Sea borders the east. The total population is about 8 million. The largest ethnic group is Azeri, comprising 90% of the population; Dagestanis comprise 3.2%, Russians 2.5%, Armenians 2% and others 2.3%.

Prospects for energy cooperation in the Caspian Sea

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gawdat Bahgat
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Natural Gas ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Cost Effective ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Gas Reservoir ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Oil And Natural Gas ◽  
The Persian Gulf

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, the Caspian Sea region has been seen as a potential major oil and natural gas reservoir. For more than a decade, the five nations that share the Caspian—Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan—have sought to develop the basin’s hydrocarbon resources. This paper provides an assessment of these resources and examines two major hurdles: lack of consensus on the legal status of the Caspian and disagreement of the most cost effective pipeline routes. It argues that oil and natural gas from the Caspian is certain to contribute to global energy security. However, the Caspian Sea should not be seen as a replacement to the Persian Gulf.

scholarly journals Military and political aspects of cooperation of Caspian states as the main guaranteed of ensuring regional security

2020 ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Mehriban Elbrus Guliyeva
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Special Character ◽  
New States ◽  
Point Of Intersection ◽  
The Military

Caspian region has always been a point of intersection of interests for multiple states. Throughout all historical periods, the presence of influential states in the Caspian Sea coast led to escalation of tension in the region. Such factors as heterogenic population of littoral states and differences in mentality further aggravated the situation. Thus, the military-political activity of the Caspian states has always been of paramount importance. The significance of military-political activity for the countries of Caspian Basin was substantiated by the following key factors: concentration of the majority of explored hydrocarbon deposits of these countries on its continental shelf; presence of substantial reserves of various biological resources in the waters of Caspian Sea; location of the region on the junction of important geopolitical paths; largely populated coastal regions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and formation of new states in the region, this activity acquired a special character.

scholarly journals La place de la mer Caspienne dans la politique étrangère russe

1970 ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Khagani Guliyev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
The 19Th Century

This study focuses on the question of the role of the Caspian Sea at a large scale in the current Russian foreign policy. It is noted that though in the historical perspective the Caspian Sea basin had been totally dominated by Russia since the beginning of the 19th century, this domination was contested and considerably reduced after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, in parallel for various reasons exposed in the paper, the Caspian Sea gained more importance in the Russian foreign policy giving rise to new challenges for the future of the Russian power in the region.

INTEGRATION AND CENTRIFUGAL TENDENCIES IN THE CASPIAN REGION: LEGAL ASPECTS

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-42
Author(s):  
KURBANOV RUSHID A. ◽  
◽  
BELYALOVA ASIA M. ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Caspian Region ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Republics

The article analyzes the legal basis for cooperation of the states of the Caspian region - Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Iran. With the signing of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea in 2018, the relations between five countries have reached a qualitatively new level. While with the collapse of the Soviet Union centrifugal trends dominated cooperation, especially after the former Soviet republics gained independence, recent years have been characterized by centripetal tendencies, and the COVID-19 crisis has clearly demonstrated that only by joint efforts the countries can confront today's challenges and threats. An important aspect of cooperation among the Caspian littoral states is their membership in various integration groupings, which imposes certain obligations on these states, undoubtedly affecting their interaction in the Caspian region.

Ownership of Oil and Gas Resources in the Caspian Sea

2000 ◽  
Vol 94 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamyar Mehdiyoun
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The South ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Oil And Gas Fields ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Oil And Gas Resources ◽  
Offshore Oil And Gas

In the aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union and the birth of new sovereign nations bordering the Caspian Sea, the legal status of the sea has emerged as one of the most contentious international problems facing the region. The discovery of large offshore oil and gas deposits in the area has added urgency to the need to resolve the twin issues of the legal status of the sea and the corresponding mining rights.The Caspian, the largest inland body of water in the world, is approximately the size of Japan. The south Caspian is the deepest part and contains the most productive oil and gas fields. The oil-producing area of the south Caspian that holds the most promise extends along a narrow structural zone across the sea from the Apsheron Peninsula in Azerbaijan to the Peri-Balkhan region of western Turkmenistan.

A time-domain study of the attenuation of 10-Hz waves in the New Madrid seismic zone

1978 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-355
Author(s):  
Otto W. Nuttli
Keyword(s):  
Time Domain ◽  
Epicentral Distance ◽  
New Madrid Seismic Zone ◽  
Seismic Zone ◽  
Damage Potential ◽  
P Waves ◽  
Anelastic Attenuation ◽  
Design Earthquake ◽  
Almost All ◽  
New Madrid

Abstract From a time-domain study, the amplitude of 10-Hz P waves in the New Madrid seismic zone was found to fall off as the inverse 1.4 power of the epicentral distance. The amplitude of 10-Hz Lg waves was found to decay as for an Airy phase with a coefficient of anelastic attenuation of 0.006 km-1. In almost all cases the Lg motion was found to be larger than that of P, even at epicentral distances of 5 km and less. Thus design earthquake motions need to be concerned with Lg waves, whose coda also have a longer duration than those of the P waves. The apparent Q for the 10-Hz Lg waves is 1500, identical to that found previously by Nuttli (1973) for higher mode 1-Hz Lg waves. The attenuation of 10-Hz Lg waves is sufficiently small that one must pay attention to their damage potential at distances as large as a few hundred kilometers.

The Caspian Sea: Quest for a New Legal Regime

1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergei Vinogradov ◽  
Patricia Wouters
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Former Ussr

One of the most controversial contests over the allocation of shared natural resources is now being waged by four former Soviet Union republics (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan) and Iran over the riches of the Caspian Sea. The bilateral regime established by the former USSR and Iran governing the Caspian Sea, though technically still existing today, is inadequate to deal with the present-day complex issues of the use and allocation of natural resources. The situation is aggravated by unilateral claims of the states bordering the Sea. Although the coastal states are currently discussing how the regime of the Caspian Sea might be resolved, the issue is not yet settled and the positions of the parties remain divergent.

Turkey

2019 ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Robert R. Bianchi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Shanghai Cooperation Organization ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Domestic Support

In building the New Silk Road, China is looking for partners, not rivals. But, in the case of Turkey, it has found both. After the fall of the Soviet Union, China and Turkey sparred for influence in Central Asia before Ankara decided to focus on Caspian Sea countries closer to home. During the reign of Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan, Turkey and China have traded accusations over recurrent violence in Xinjiang. In spite of these clashes, Turkey has moved closer to China’s overtures because both countries are eager to counterbalance what they view as mounting hostility from the United States and the European Union. Erdoǧan claims to welcome membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, hoping to dampen Western criticism of his antidemocratic behavior at home. But Chinese leaders are skeptical of allying with Erdoǧan because his domestic support is shrinking precisely when he is trying to grab dictatorial powers.

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