A Critical Reading on the Visual Production of Infodemic

Author(s):  
Haldun Narmanlıoğlu ◽  
Azime Ayşenur Çelimli

The problematic relationship between communication technologies and information is among the essential discussion topics of the academy. Concepts such as information bombardment, disinformation, and misinformation refer to incorrect, distorted, and corrupt information disseminated by means of communication. Unhealthy information and knowledge are seen as the biggest obstacle to the formation of a healthy public opinion. In the Covid 19 epidemic, which affects the whole world, the relationship between communication tools and information has come to the fore again. An "infodemic," which can be defined as "false, distorted information epidemic/pandemic," describes the truly distant information flowing to the public about the Covid 19 pandemic through different communication tools. On the other hand, today, visual images have become the most crucial source in disseminating information and the production of meaning. With digitalization, our daily life is shaped by an image-filled culture surrounded by artificial visuals more than ever before. The curiosity of this work is "How is infodemic produced through visual images?" It is based on the question. For this purpose, Twitter has been chosen as the research universe of important social networking sites. The study showed how the infodemia spread about Covid 19 vaccine in Turkey was produced visually on Twitter and analyzed with content analysis. The critical visual literacy method proposed by Douglas Kellner was adopted for analysis. In line with the suggestion of Kellner, the political, ideological, religious, and so on semantic load has been tried to be interpreted.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 32-60
Author(s):  
Alexandra Gajda

Abstract This essay examines Henry Savile’s relationship with the Elizabethan and Jacobean court and the political culture of the period in which he lived. Particular attention is paid to the controversies surrounding Savile’s alleged connection to Robert Devereux, 2nd earl of Essex and the court politics of the 1590s, and variant interpretations scholars have made of the political significance of his historical scholarship. Savile’s Elizabethan literary remains demonstrate his persistent interest in the association between militarism and the arts of civil government, and the frequently problematic relationship of virtuous soldiers and statesmen to princely rulers. These concerns were shared by leading Elizabethan soldiers and statesmen, from the earl of Leicester, William Cecil, Lord Burghley, to the earl of Essex, and may have influenced the latter’s growing alienation from queen and court in the late 1590s. A broader comparison of Savile’s career with those of contemporary Merton scholars, however, confirms that he rejected the public careers pursued by other friends and colleagues. Savile’s political connections seem to have served his scholarly ambitions rather than the other way around, and after the rebellion of the earl of Essex he seems to have retreated from life at court.


Author(s):  
Irem Metin Orta ◽  
Müge Çelik Örücü

With the growing prevalence of wireless communication technologies, social networking sites (SNSs) such as Facebook, Twitter, etc. have become an important venues for interpersonal communication. This chapter provides a detailed overview of the current literature on online social networking with respect to its beneficial and detrimental effects on psychological wellbeing. In particular, it provides empirical evidence for the associations of SNS use with depression, self-esteem, loneliness, subjective wellbeing, social anxiety, attachment, personality traits, and addiction. Furthermore, it identifies the characteristics of individuals who are more prone to social networking, and presents possible mediators and moderators playing a role in the relationship between social networking and mental health. The chapter overall provides a comprehensive guideline to parents, researchers, educators, healthcare, and communication professionals to the issue of online social networking from a psychological perspective.


Author(s):  
Burak Gökalp ◽  
Naci Karkın ◽  
Huseyin Serhan Calhan

There are many developments affecting societal, cultural, and political relations. The ubiquitous spread of information and communication tools (ICTs) are among these developments. Studies in literature are not indifferent to the impacts brought about in politics by ICTs, particularly by social networking sites (SNSs). During the research, many studies were found that focus on changes and transformations induced by ICTs that unprecedentedly affect interactions and relationships in political life. SNSs, a part of ICTs, have transformative effects on elected and their voters. Though there are many papers that focus on SNSs and political use of SNSs, a void was observed in relevant literature focusing on synthesizing the literature on particular country cases. For this reason, a systematic literature analysis was performed. Findings of this chapter on the political use of SNSs in Turkey indicate that political actors do not fully take advantage of SNSs and their potentialities. The political use of SNSs presents a rhizomatic formation rather than being hierarchical.


1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 492-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARY L. VOLCANSEK

This essay traces the development of the power of the Italian Constitutional Court, the political impact of its policies, and its reception by the public and the other institutions of government. The relationship between the Court and Parliament is presented as one characterized by a synchronization of powers, and the Court has demonstrated reluctance to interfere in conflicts among the various branches of the national government. That timidity has not, however, carried over into its treatment of referenda or of national versus regional prerogatives. The Constitutional Court is, according to this analysis, a part of the national governing elite, and its most controversial decisions have been ones safeguarding the interests of that elite. By carefully acting as “quasi-guardians,” the Constitutional Court judges have cemented a solidly positive reputation and nurtured an aura of legitimacy that is rare among Italian political actors.


Author(s):  
Dmitry Valuev ◽  

The article covers the issue of consistency of manifesto texts with a political system underpinned by publicness principles. The ever-increasing production of manifestos witnesses a crisis in the political system which necessitates the investigation of how such texts influence both their readers and public sphere as a whole. The public sphere concept by J. Habermas, perception of policies by J. Ranciere, and dialogue-based approaches of M. Buber and A. Pyatigorsky constitute the basis for analysing structural elements of a manifesto text, and highlighting their core traits shedding light on the relationship between a manifesto text and the public sphere. Through highlighting the three main elements of a manifesto text, i.e. ‘speaking I’, ‘Object’, and ‘Other’, and by clarifying the configuration of interrelations between the elements, the militant message of a manifesto is asserted as the opposite to the dialogue-based foundation of the public sphere. Such texts postulate the necessity both to eliminate the ‘Other’ and to immediately achieve a set objective by way of taking on an active participative position. The latter to be implemented via the ‘speaking I’ replication mechanism, which is expressed through a call for readers to take on the image of the person speaking through the manifesto. Thus, the manifesto becomes both a tool for getting rid of an existing system incapable of satisfying the needs of an actor, and a tool for leveling political space. Manifesto texts demonstrate the monological basis expressed in the postulation of the necessity for action to uncompromisingly transform the world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-561 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nazire Burcin Hamutoglu ◽  
Deniz Mertkan Gezgin ◽  
Gozde Sezen-Gultekin ◽  
Orhan Gemikonakli

The aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between no mobile phobia (nomophobia) which is defined as a modern fear of being unable to communicate through the mobile phone, and Fear of Missing Out (FOMO) which is known to be related with the problematic relationship with Social Networking Sites (SNSs), and play a critical role in the increased use of Social Networking Sites (SNS). The data were collected from a convenient sample of 538 university students via Nomophobia (NMP-Q) and FOMO Scales, The results show that a positive moderate level of relationship was found between Nomophobia and FOMO levels. The findings showed that FOMO level of university students predicts 41% of the total variance at the Nomophobia level. That is, when FOMO level increases, students’ nomophobia level can be predicted from data depicting the increase. 


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Rachel S Demerling

The past several years have witnessed the emergence of interactive media with social networking sites. Facebook, MySpace and Twitter have all become increasingly popular social marketing tools for many companies which substantially changed the role of the consumer from a passive target to an active participant. Through the interactive relationship companies establish with their online customers, users of SNS have become agents of their own consumption and co-producers of the brand. Although the relationship between the retailer and consumer is unparalleled, it is one that is necessary with the increasing fragmentation in the public sphere. SNS have become largely successful because they give individuals the opportunity to create identities online and retailers have complemented that by giving consumers control over the design and production of their products. However, I argue that this perceived control is merely an ideological fallacy of individualism that is predetermined and reproduces conformity in mass society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 240
Author(s):  
Syaiful Arif

ABSTRACT: Religious radicalism (Islam) developed the theological thought to counter-Pancasila and the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), it can be fought and softened with Pancasila itself. This is due to the fact that the cause of such radicalism is a misunderstanding to the Pancasila and its political system. Pancasila is regarded as a secular political ideology, whereas it actually cared pattern for the relationship between religion and state that upholds the values of divinity on the one side, and the public virtue on the other side. Deradizalisation of religion based on Pancasila can be applied with two strategies. First, proving the existence of religious dimension of Pancasila and Republic of Indonesia to undermine the secular claims from the radical groups. Second, learning the nature of politics which contained in Pancasila. These nature of politics are more in line with the political ideals of Islam, rather than the ideology of Islamism which tends to the violent. KEYWORDS: Islam, radicalism, deradicalization, Pancasila.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.


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