scholarly journals POLICY ELITES OF RUSSIA’S MULTIETHNIC REGIONS: A SOCIAL PORTRAIT

Author(s):  
Ochirova V. M. ◽  

The study of Russian elites is one of the urgent topics of post-Soviet political science. The numerous works of domestic and foreign authors, as well as the emergence of a separate research direction “Elitology” has become the result of the growing interest to this social group. Along with the federal political elite, the researches study regional elites. The subject of research is the functioning of the group, standing at the top of the social hi-erarchy, as well as its social portrait, the features of recruitment, and system of values. The latter due to its particular importance and insufficient coverage, are of the greatest interest. Taking into account this fact, we analyze one of the key elements of a social portrait of the studied social group — the level of education. One of the first overall studies of republican political elites we carried out in 2009–2010, during the survey 618 representatives of ex-ecutive, legislative and municipal authorities of the republics of Buryatia, Sakha (Yaku-tia), Tyva were interviewed (576 questionnaires were analyzed). In addition to the ques-tionnaire survey, we also conducted expert interviews in three studied regions of Russia. Within the framework of the study, based on the analysis of biographical documents, we identified and systematized the types, places of education, and training programmes of the representatives of republican political elites, as well as information about their academic degrees. In the article, we also focused on the correlation between the level of education of political elites and the pace of development of the Russian state.

Litera ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 232-241
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Mikhailovna Gorodilova

The object of this research is the anthroponymic space of business writing records in the Yeniseian Siberia of the XVII century, while the subject is the peasants’ bynames. The unpublished manuscripts preserved in the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (Moscow) served as the sources for this research. Emphasis is placed on the semantic content of bynames as part of the anthroponymic formula. Using the traditional onomastic and lexical-semantic methods of research (descriptive, statistical, semantic and definitional analysis, etc.), the author describes bynames united by the concept “the type of work activity”. The semantics of the anthropological grounds of bynames, clarification is given to the composition of the social group under review, as well as to the types of economic activity of the peasants of Yeniseian and Krasnoyarsk counties. The acquired results indicated that semantic diversity of peasant bynames is substantiated by the objective situation during the colonization of Siberia, as well as complex composition of the peasantry, which could include the representatives of service class and suburb inhabitants. The scientific novelty consists in expanding the scope of sources for carrying out a comprehensive research of the regional anthroponymicon, as well as in broadening the knowledge on byname nomination within a single social group. The obtained results can be used as comparative materials in the analysis of anthroponymic systems of other regions, as well as in development of the regional dictionary of non-calendric personal names and bynames of the first Russian settlers of Yeniseian Siberia.


Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 55-79
Author(s):  
Colinda Lindermann

AbstractThis article aims to highlight sociolinguistic aspects of an Arabic text from the sixth/twelfth century, its reception, and the commentaries on it. Soon after its publication, the linguistic treatise Durrat al-ghawwāṣ fī awhām al-khawāṣṣ by al-Ḥarīrī (d. 516/1122) became a model for discussing the subject of laḥn (solecism) in Arabic, and remained so throughout the following centuries. Rather than attributing this to fixed practices of premodern commentary culture, the article seeks to explain the scholars’ lively and nuanced engagement with Durrat al-ghawwāṣ by focusing on their identification with the social group of the khāṣṣa, which distinguishes itself through language mastery, and by connecting the interest in linguistic treatises to sociocultural developments in the Arab-Islamic realm during the Mamlūk and Ottoman periods.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


Author(s):  
Dmitry Vadimovich Bakharev

The subject of this research is the historical prerequisites of formation of the modern Russian model of state administration with its enormous corruption component. Analysis is conducted on the sociopolitical processes that took place in Russia, since the origin of conception of its statehood (formation of the Grand Duchy of Vladimir) until the events of past decade. A wide variety of literature of the Russian and foreign authors dedicated to the historical and institutional aspects of formation of national and foreign statehood became the source base for this research. An attempt is made to determine the fundamental factors of the emergence and wide spread of various manifestations of corruption at all stages of existence of the Russian state. A conclusion is made that drastic reconstruction of the historically established in Russia model of relationship between the government and society, and thus, decline in the scale of corruption, are possible only under the condition of formation of a large social coalition that supports: 1) the expansion of pluralistic basis in creation and development of the mode of operation of political institutions; 2) further public control over their activity. The reference point of such processes can become only a historical situation, which marks an informed need of broad social circles to be able to fully exercise political rights, and simultaneous response to such request from the acting political elite.


Moreana ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 44 (Number 171- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 72-86
Author(s):  
Frédéric de Coninck

The social configuration of exile means the minority presence of a social group that builds a different lifestyle and different beliefs from the majority while coexisting with that majority in the same place. This configuration, valued in a surprising way, in the Jewish prophetism of the exile period, has long faced strong oppositions. The Christendom society wanted, from this point of view, a homogeneous society. The Reformation has produced divisions, but has not destroyed, as a first step, the local uniformity of convictions and life choices. The radical Reformation, which has valued, from 1523, individual choice against a religion imposed or controlled by the state had all the attributes needed to conceive itself as living in a position of exile. This has not been the case. The pressure for social homogeneity was too strong at the time. It was not before the twentieth century, when rereading the legacy of the radical Reformation in the context of an increasingly fragmented society, that the subject was finally raised.


1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-111
Author(s):  
John Waterbury

All societies are constantly in a process of transition, but when we speak of “transitional societies” we mean thereby those in which the transitional process is particularly intense, entailing the substitution for pre-existing forms of social organisation of forms more adapted to modern, industrial society. The process of transition is relentless and cannot be turned on and off at the will of governmental authorities. In countries where there is no established governing elite the process continues nonetheless (witness Algeria 1954–1962). In other countries so-called modernising elites have managed to get a sometimes-slippery grasp on the social transformations occurring within their borders (Turkey under Attaturk and Egypt under Nasser). In yet other countries, Morocco being one of them, internally-divided political elites, while more or less aware of the immense implications of the transitional process, are incapable of resolving upon or implementing a concerted plan of action for dealing with its problems. In the following pages an attempt will be made to analyse the nature of the Moroccan political elite, and the factors that have driven it to the outer edge of the process of transformation of Moroccan society, a process in which the elite is but a marginal participant, a process over which there is but nominal control.


Author(s):  
Marie-France Champoux-Larsson ◽  
Alexandra S. Dylman ◽  
Francisco Esteves

AbstractRecently, a relationship between bilingualism and enhanced social flexibility has been suggested. However, research on the subject is scarce and what little exists is limited by several conceptual and methodological concerns. In the current study, we attempted to (a) replicate the findings from a study by Ikizer and Ramírez-Esparza (Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 21:957–969, 2018) by using the scales that the authors developed, and (b) test the concept of social flexibility experimentally with a switch-task using socially relevant stimuli. In the first part, participants (n = 194) filled out the scales developed by Ikizer and Ramírez-Esparza. We could not find that bilingualism leads to enhanced social flexibility. We did, however, find that higher level of education led to higher scores on the social flexibility scale. In the second part, a subsample (n = 74) from Part 1 completed a task where they were asked to identify the congruency between a face and a voice based on either gender or emotion, and to switch between these two tasks. The experimental task did not show an advantage for the bilingual participants. On the contrary, higher proficiency in a second language led to lower accuracy in the congruent emotion condition, while level of education led to higher accuracy in that same condition. We suggest that factors other than bilingualism, such as level of education and biculturalism, most likely drove the effect found both in the current study and originally by Ikizer and Ramírez-Esparza.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 48-53
Author(s):  
Anastasya A. Berndt

The subject of the research is the criminological characteristics of convicts under art. 151.1 of the Criminal Code. The purpose is studying of analyze a new type of identity of the criminal offender, a feature of that is bringing of criminal responsibility for committing several similar administrative offenses. The study revealed specific socio-demographic characteristics of convicts under Art. 151.1 of the iCriminal Code, which account is necessary for the formation of a system for the prevention of such unlawful behavior. This is low level of education, age 30-49, crimes are committed, as a rule, by women of working specialties. An analysis of the social and role characteristics of convicts allowed to reveal the peculiarity of this crime, which has mainly a female face. This is due to the scope of activities, since women are mainly involved in trade. As a result of studying of moral and psychological characteristics of the convicts' personality, it was concluded that the sphere of commerce is sufficiently criminal, and this largely determines the formation of the criminal motivation of the convicts.


Author(s):  
Elena Sergeevna Sukhodolskaya

This article explores the establishment and retention of the ethnic consciousness of Armenians in the conditions of Persian and Byzantine dominion based on the example of the activity of Bagratuni royal dynasty. The subject of this article is the activity of the Bagratuni princely family that alongside other Armenian dynasties (Mamikonyan, Siunia, Artsruni, Amatuni) was an important actor of the political process in the region in the conditions of Byzantine-Sasanian rule. The object of this research is the naharars (elite household guards) of Bagratuni, who played a significant role in the question of restoration of the Armenian Kingdom in the late IV – VI centuries. Special attention is given to the problem of ethnic consciousness of the Armenian people at the time of the loss of statehood, and commitment of Armenian princes to restore the national state and recover from the dominance of neighboring powers. Methodological framework is comprised of the methods that help to determine certain traits in formation of ethnic identity. Spatial analysis is used in studying the geographical conditions affecting people’s worldview and self-identification. Comparative analysis reveals the peculiarities of ethnic groups. For detailed explanation of specificities of the evolution of identity, the author employs comparative-historical method. Historical-typological comparison contributes to revelation of common features of heterogeneous ethnic elements. The novelty consists in comprehensive analysis of the activity of naharars of Bagratuni dynasty from the perspective of ethnic consciousness n the conditions of Byzantine-Sasanian rule. The attracted materials allowed assessing the nature of activity of the Bagratuni princes on the Byzantine Emperor’s service, as well as at the Persian court. This conducted analysis indicates the degree of engagement of Armenians in the social structure of Byzantium and Sasanian Iran. The conclusion is made that the Armenian political elite was committed to preserve ethnic identity by restoration of sovereignty of the Armenian Kingdom in the conditions of –Byzantine-Sasanian dominion. Bagratuni princes were the most appropriate candidates for the Armenian throne. By the end of the IX century, namely due to the efforts of Bagratuni princes the Armenian Kingdom was restored.


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