The return visit of the President of the French Republic Emile Loubet and the Formation of the Image of a “Great Friend” of Russia

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Svetlana Limanova

The article analyzes the visit of Emile Loubet, President of the French Republic, to the Russian Empire in 1902, as well as the specifics of its organization and representation. The visit was conceived as a demonstration of the inviolability of the Franco-Russian alliance. A whole complex of informational, ceremonial and commemorative methods was supposed to form the image of France not just as a “friend”, but as a “great friend” of Russia. Periodicals solved various tasks at once: attracting and maintaining attention, forming a certain image, creating and reflecting public opinion. The effect of the ceremonial part was enhanced by the active involvement of the urban population in the celebrations, symbolic decoration of the ceremonial space, and the production of souvenirs. As a result, it was possible to consolidate the “friendly” image of the French nation in Russia, enhance the positive effect of the meeting of the allies, and create favorable conditions for further cooperation. At this stage, the Franco-Russian alliance allowed maintaining the balance of power in Europe and paying attention to geopolitical interests in other regions. However, even greater rapprochement between the two powers entailed increased obligations and the necessity to coordinate further actions more carefully, while narrowing the opportunities for interaction with other states. In spite of the brilliant celebrations, the allies' desire to recover the maximum benefit from the «cordial» relationship has become increasingly evident.

Author(s):  
Aleksandr S. Stykalin ◽  

Reorganisation of the Austrian Empire into the dual Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1867 was followed by an attempt to cancel the special status of the Grand Principality of Transylvania, which had a long tradition of autonomous statehood, and absorb it into the Kingdom of Hungary. This caused a reaction by the Romanian nationalist movement in the region that intensified decade by decade. That this movement became a threat to the integrity of Austria-Hungary could not help but become an object of observation for Russian diplomats in the neighbouring Kingdom of Romania, where the issue of the status of Transylvanian Romanians was gaining more and more political attention. In this essay, based on archival and published sources, it is shown how Russian observers, first and foremost Russian diplomats in Bucharest, described not only the complex interethnic relations at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but also the attitude of the Romanian political elite and Romanian public opinion towards the status of Romanians in Transylvania - subjects of the Habsburgs. The author comes to the conclusion that a glace thrown from outside on this remote region, loosely con-nected with Russia, nevertheless allows conclusions to be drawn that help to reassess issues that concerned the Russian Empire (such as the Bessarabia question).


2020 ◽  
pp. 602-614
Author(s):  
Rafael A. Arslanov ◽  
◽  
Elena V. Linkova ◽  

The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.


Author(s):  
S. L. Lougovtsova

The question of the distribution of the Belarusian gentry in cities, towns and rural settlements is poorly understood in Belarusian historiography. Specific data on the level of mobility of the Belarusian nobility are missing in the scientific literature. This determines the relevance of this study. The aim of the article is to clarify the place of residence of the Lepel district gentry of the Viciebsk province of the Russian Empire at the turn of 18th–19th centuries and to determine their level of mobility. The author of the article on the basis of archival sources comes to the following conclusions. Agriculture was the basis of the gentry’s activities, it identified as the main places of residence of its representatives villages, «okolitsy» and «zastenki» (about 77 % of the gentry of the Lepel district). About 4 % of the gentry of the Lepel district lived in townships. The proportion of gentry in towns was about 3 %. In the landed estates lived about 11 % of the Lepel district gentry. The «okolitsy» met most rarely in Lepel district among the settlements located in the countryside. The gentry changed their place of residence, first of all, in search of more favorable conditions for the lease of land, service in landlord estates, as well as for family reasons. The population of «zastenki», as a rule, did not exceed 20 people. For objective reasons, it was not possible to find out the place of residence of 5 % of the gentry of the district. Szlachta of the Lepel district was distinguished by a high level of its mobility: in the period from 1795 to 1819, at least 24 % of the gentry changed their residence, which seriously hampered the registration of this category of population in the Russian Empire.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 589-608
Author(s):  
Anna Hedo ◽  
Svitlana Liaskovska

The purpose of the article is to analyse the use of political propaganda methods employed by the Russian Empire before and during the First World War, in particular, on the Ukrainian lands, which became a direct theatre of military operations and a field of confrontation between intelligence and counterintelligence services of belligerent powers, which exercised manipulative influence upon great masses of population and implemented special technologies for the formation of public opinion. The research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity, systematicity, dialectics, historicism and interdisciplinarity. The study is grounded on problemchronological, institutional and historical methods, as well as social psychology methods, used in propaganda practices. Scientific novelty: on the basis of printed materials: brochures, First World War periodicals, published posters and woodcuts (lubki prints), as well as memoirs of people, involved in the organization of propaganda campaigns, certain objects, technologies and forms of propaganda, in particular, the involvement of intelligence officers of the Russian Imperial Army in manipulative technologies, were defined. The widespread use of propaganda and counter-propaganda by the states that were the main players of the First World War, became a kind of hallmark of that war. In Russia, unlike other states, there were no special bodies and no such bodies were created later to influence public opinion in their own, hostile or neutral states. The peculiarity of the propaganda of the Russian Empire was the use of mainly constructive (positive) propaganda aimed at neutralizing social conflicts within the state, uniting the population and the authorities and their joint struggle against the enemy. The ideas of Pan-Slavism and Neo-Slavism were actively applied in the international realm. They were aimed at the unity of the Slavic world under the auspices of Russia as the defender of the Slavic peoples and the Orthodox Christian faith. The use of destructive propaganda technologies was aimed at creating the image of the “enemy” and uniting patriotic forces against it. At the same time, Russia failed to offer Slavic peoples of the empire, in particular Ukrainians, to realize their political aspirations in resolving the national issue; it did not feel a change of mood and did not restructure the content of propaganda rhetoric, which eventually led to its defeat in the information and psychological space.


Author(s):  
S. V. Dzhundzhuzov ◽  

The article examines the activities of the Orenburg governor I. I. Neplyuev to clarify the circumstances of the death of Abulkhair Khan of the Junior Zhuz, which happened in 1748 as a result of an unequal battle with the Sultan of the Middle Zhuz Barak, and the “policy of pacification” of his heir Nuraly Khan. The analysis of departmental and diplomatic documents shows that the subsequent death of Barak Sultan two years later was perceived by the Orenburg administration as an ordinary and expected incident. The legitimization of Khan’s power by the Russian monarch, even more than a treaty of citizenship, turned the heirs of Abulkhair into vassals of the Russian Empire. Thus, the events related to the change of power in the Junior Zhuz in the middle of the 18th century should be considered as an important indicator of the involvement of the Kazakh elite in the Russian political space. At the same time, the essence of the Central Asian policy of Russia, based on the “balance of power” of competing clan families and the pacification of their warlike aspirations, remained unchanged.


Author(s):  
E. A. Brukhanchik

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main approaches to estimating the value of land plots in the Russian Empire of the second half of the XIX – beginning of the XX century. Eastern Slavic historiography of the pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern period. The objectives of the article are to determine the average market value of land in the provinces and compare it with the size of redemption payments, identify typical conditions for the implementation of the agrarian reform of 1861 for the Belarusian provinces, compare the approaches of representatives of Eastern Slavic historiography to the redemption operation and activities of the Peasant and Noble Land banks, analyze the factors that form value of land sold through the Peasant Land Bank. The article reflects the sharply negative assessments of the peasant reform of 1861 and the activities of the Peasant Land Bank in the pre-revolutionary and Soviet historiography. In this case, attention is drawn to the more favorable conditions for the redemption operation for the peasants of the Belarusian provinces, reducing the cost of peasant holdings and bringing them closer to the market value of land. Modern historiography stands in solidarity with the conclusions of the peasants’ repeated overpayment of the cost of their liberation, but connects this with the banking crisis, which predetermined the high cost of redemption. At the same time, modern researchers, on the basis of mathematical and economic methods, revised approaches to assessing the activities of the Peasant and Noble Land Banks, recognizing their role in mobilizing land ownership and solving the issue of peasant land shortages.


Author(s):  
A. V. Lapaeva ◽  

The article examines the formation and development of the pension system of the Russian Empire in the 19th – early 20th centuries. It is proved that the Charter on pensions and lump-sum benefits for state (military and civil) employees in 1827 laid the foundation for an integral pension system, which combined such types of state security as pension and grant. It was established that one of the positive measures aimed at creating favorable conditions for the development of the pension system was the introduction of special preferential conditions for certain categories of civil servants, concerning the reduction of the length of service for the acquisition of the right to a pension. It is determined that in parallel with the state pension system, a non-government pension system for civil servants was developed, which operated on the basis of two models – the emerita pension (insurance-based) and the savings-support pension (account-based).


2021 ◽  
pp. 58-91
Author(s):  
Н.С. Сидоренко ◽  
С.В. Мусатов

В статье рассматривается не изученный в историографии вопрос о специфике освещении практики созыва Государственной думы Российской империи на страницах уральской губернской периодики. Анализируется содержание политического дискурса уральской губернской прессой по актуальным аспектам правительственного курса реформ и введения в России начал парламентаризма. Раскрывается специфика содержания политического дискурса по думской тематике в региональном обществе. В его структуре выявлены три основных компонента — консервативный, либеральный и социалистический дискурс. Анализ дискурса выступает одним из оснований реконструкции процесса восприятия обществом идеи парламентаризма, формирования представлений о месте и роли нового политического института России в лице Государственной думы. На материалах периодики анализируются основные участники дискурсивного поля и те стратегии, которые использовались адресантами в целях воздействия на сознание и мотивацию адресатов. The article examines Ural province periodicals and reveals specifics of the convocation of the State Duma press coverage. Analyzed is the political discourse of the Ural press — the way Government reforms and implementation of the parliamentary system in Russia were depicted. The authors show specifics of regional discourse. Three main components of that discourse are defined — conservative, liberal and socialistic. The role and the place for the State Duma — a new political institution in Russia, concept of Parliamentarianism, perception and adoption of these constructions by the society can be depicted on the basis of the discourse analyses. Periodic press offers materials about the main actors of that discourse and the strategies used to influence final recipients.


Author(s):  
В.С. Аносова

The article briefly describes the life path, as well as the history of the formation of the horizons of the famous Russian scientist-mechanic, professor, Minister of Finance of the Russian Empire Ivan Alekseevich Vyshnegradsky. By 1862, Ivan Alekseevich had already visited several European countries and received the title of professor. From the same year, Vyshnegradsky’s activity began at the St. Petersburg Practical Technological Institute, in which he lectured on mechanical theory of heat and the theory of steam engines, was appointed a member of the study committee.On his initiative, the Department of Metal and Wood Technology was restored. In 1871, a mechanical laboratory was founded at the institute for scientific research on the resistance of building materials and for hydraulics experiments.In 1875, Vyshnegradsky was appointed director of the institute, continuing his teaching activities. Among the machines he designed: an automatic press for the manufacture of prismatic powder, lifting machines, a press for testing materials, a mechanical material handler (for a river port), etc. Features of economic policy of I. A. Vyshnegradsky consisted in the desire to increase the gold reserve of the empire and increase Russia's influence on the international economy and politics.For him, the most important and only task was the visible improvement of Russian finance in a short time. Favorable conditions were artificially created for heavy industry, which became a priority among the interests of the Ministry of Finance, often to the detriment of the interests of all agriculture.Under Vyshnegradsky, the export of Russian bread more than doubled. Stimulated the export of not only surplus bread, but also part of the necessary stocks of peasants. As a minister, he led the redemption of unprofitable railways, undertook control and financial (1889-1890) and tariff (1889) reforms in the railway sector.Conducted the conversion of state (external and internal) loans, which helped to reduce payments on public debt, lower interest, streamline public debt.


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