The State Duma of the Russian Empire as depicted in press and public opinion of Urals

2021 ◽  
pp. 58-91
Author(s):  
Н.С. Сидоренко ◽  
С.В. Мусатов

В статье рассматривается не изученный в историографии вопрос о специфике освещении практики созыва Государственной думы Российской империи на страницах уральской губернской периодики. Анализируется содержание политического дискурса уральской губернской прессой по актуальным аспектам правительственного курса реформ и введения в России начал парламентаризма. Раскрывается специфика содержания политического дискурса по думской тематике в региональном обществе. В его структуре выявлены три основных компонента — консервативный, либеральный и социалистический дискурс. Анализ дискурса выступает одним из оснований реконструкции процесса восприятия обществом идеи парламентаризма, формирования представлений о месте и роли нового политического института России в лице Государственной думы. На материалах периодики анализируются основные участники дискурсивного поля и те стратегии, которые использовались адресантами в целях воздействия на сознание и мотивацию адресатов. The article examines Ural province periodicals and reveals specifics of the convocation of the State Duma press coverage. Analyzed is the political discourse of the Ural press — the way Government reforms and implementation of the parliamentary system in Russia were depicted. The authors show specifics of regional discourse. Three main components of that discourse are defined — conservative, liberal and socialistic. The role and the place for the State Duma — a new political institution in Russia, concept of Parliamentarianism, perception and adoption of these constructions by the society can be depicted on the basis of the discourse analyses. Periodic press offers materials about the main actors of that discourse and the strategies used to influence final recipients.

Author(s):  
Gennadiy G. Bril’ ◽  
Leonid N. Zaytsev

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
Andrey Mikhailovich Belov ◽  
Dmitry Aleksandrovich Bulyukin

The article is devoted to the little-studied problem of elections to the First State Duma of the Russian Empire in Kostroma Province, as well as the attitude of different strata, classes and estates to the elections and activities of deputies. As sources, the documents of the funds of the State Archive of Kostroma Region (GAKO), in particular, the materials of the local newspapers “Kostroma Speechˮ and “Herald of Povolzhyeˮ are used. An attempt is made to reveal to what extent the institution of Russian parliamentarism was rooted in the Province, to what extent the elected deputies expressed the interests of voters of different classes. The extensive factual material covers the organisation of elections, the course of elections in different counties, as well as conflicts and violations during the conduct of elections. Rich material is also provided by memoirs, business correspondence of officials and other documents. The authors come to the conclusion that Kostroma newspapers of that time covered the above issues in great detail and meaningfully, that in the conditions of the emerging multiparty system, the political and legal culture of the Province grew, as well as the interest of representatives of different classes in solving the most important problems of the then Russian reality.


2020 ◽  
pp. 602-614
Author(s):  
Rafael A. Arslanov ◽  
◽  
Elena V. Linkova ◽  

The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5 (103)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Tatiana Kotyukova

The article is dedicated to one of the most prominent and influential social and political figures of Turkestan Mahkmudkhodja Behbudiy. Like many enlighteners and reformers of the early twentieth century he enthusiastically and hopefully met the October Manifesto. Many contemporaries called the first experience of building a parliamentary system in the Russian Empire “The Duma of Hope”. For Behbudiy and Turkestan Jadid reformers the Duma tribune was perceived as a platform for political dialogue, opening up opportunities for serious economic, social and political reforms in Turkestan. Behbudiy used every opportunity to convey to his compatriots the full importance of the empire that took place in the socio-political life. He shared his thoughts with his compatriots particularly on the pages of the “Native newspaper of Turkestan”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 1021-1036
Author(s):  
Ivan A. Chernyshev

The review analyzes the collected materials from the 12th International Scientific Conference “Current Problems of Parliamentarism: History and Modernity (Tauride Readings 2018).” Most of the collected scientific papers cover various aspects of the activities of the State Duma of the Russian Empire. The review considers the key articles of the collection and notes the significance of the published materials of the conference discussion platforms. It is concluded that the collection of articles under review is of great relevance for studying history, theory and practice of the Russian parliamentary system.


2008 ◽  
pp. 99-108
Author(s):  
Roman Anatoliyovych Sitarchuk

The topic of the study is a component of modern scientific exploration that examines the role of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in building our multi-denominational society. In particular, the issue of determining the place and role of the Adventist Church in society and the state is important. However, today it is possible to unleash it only by summing up the accumulated experience in this field for the whole period of the history of Adventism in Ukraine. The problem of state-confessional relations is important, but it has not been given sufficient importance in terms of theoretical research, which sometimes leads to gross errors in the construction of these relations, which is not beneficial to society. Thus, it is interesting for us to experience the emergence of relations between the state and the Adventist faith in the Ukrainian lands that were part of the Russian Empire, since that is when the formation of the Adventist Church in the domestic territories began.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-243
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Janicki

[Otto Hermann von der Howen. From Courland Patriot to Merciless Henchman of Russian Interests in the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia] The article describes the evolution of political activities of Otto Hermann von der Howen (1740–1806). He was one of the most influential politicians in the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia in the last decades of the state’s existence. When beginning his political activity he followed values instilled in him by his father and acted in the well‑understood interests of the duchy. He opposed Russian influences in Courland. He was not afraid of taking risks or sacrificing himself for the causes of his homeland and paid for his uncompromising attitude with three years of imprisonment in a Russian citadel. After his release he once more began to participate in the political life of the duchy, yet he discarded the ideals of youth and made politics his source of income. Witnessing the increasing influences of the Russian Empire in Courland he became their greatest advocate and stood at the head of the “Russian party” in the country. He did not follow any moral principles anymore. Not only did he deprive the Duke of Courland of considerable amounts of money, without any scruples, but also denied him his authority in the state. Otto Hermann von der Howen decisively contributed to the unconditional and direct incorporation of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia to the Russian Empire, after 234 years of its existence. He was hated by his contemporaries and considered an anti‑hero by later generations. The article is the first such comprehensive (although certainly non‑exhaustive) a presentation of political activities of Otto Hermann von der Howen in Polish historiography.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nataliia Chernikova ◽  
Iryna Karpan

The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


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