Fallujah in the Cuneiform Texts and Classical Sources

Fallujah is an Iraqi town with long history, located on the eastern bank of Euphrates. It is a part of the historical city of Anbar whose ruins lie 5km north-west of the modern-day Fallujah. This area had a strategic importance in Mesopotamia, because of its position on the overland and river trade routes. It represented the vital artery of the Babylon and Assyria empires, offering access to Syria and the Mediterranean coasts. The city was in fact the site of a conflict between the Babylonians and Assyrians. This paper focuses on the history of the region. Located within a region called Sokhy or Sokho, which is extends from al Qaim district (Khandano) in the west-north to the town of Fallujah in the east-south. The name of Fallujah is mentioned as Pallukat in the texts of the modern Babylonian and Assyrian ages. It is derived from the Akkadian term Palagu which means ‘the little river’ in the Semitic languages. These appellations correspond with Fallujah’s position on the left bank of Euphrates. Keywords: Anbar, Sokhy, Fallujah, Classic sources, cuneiform texts

“Eskimo” Immigrants and Colonial Soldiers: Icelandic Immigrants and the North-West Resistance, 1885

Canadian Historical Review ◽

10.3138/chr-102-s1-022 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 102 (s1) ◽

pp. s309-s338

Author(s):

Laurie K. Bertram

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

Indigenous People ◽

Western Canada ◽

The West ◽

New Developments ◽

North West ◽

The North ◽

History Of ◽

The City ◽

Urban Working

How did marginalized and racialized ethnic immigrants transform themselves into active, armed colonial agents in nineteenth-century Western Canada? Approximately twenty Icelanders enlisted to fight Louis Riel’s forces during the North-West Resistance in 1885, just ten years following the arrival of Icelandic immigrants in present-day Manitoba. Forty more reportedly enlisted in an Icelandic-Canadian battalion to enforce the government’s victory in the fall. This public, armed stance of a group of Icelanders against Indigenous forces in 1885 is somewhat unexpected, since most Icelanders were relatively recent arrivals in the West and, in Winnipeg, members of the largely unskilled urban working class. Moreover, they were widely rumoured among Winnipeggers to be from a “blubber-eating race” and of “Eskimo” extraction; community accounts testify to the discrimination numerous early Icelanders faced in the city. These factors initially make Icelanders unexpected colonialists, particularly since nineteenth-century ethnic immigration and colonial suppression so often appear as separate processes in Canadian historiography. Indeed, this scholarship is characterized by an enduring belief that Western Canadian colonialism was a distinctly Anglo sin. Ethnic immigrants often appear in scholarly and popular histories as sharing a history of marginalization with Indigenous people that prevented migrants from taking part in colonial displacement. Proceeding from the neglected history of Icelandic enlistment in 1885 and new developments in Icelandic historiography, this article argues that rather than negating ethnic participation in Indigenous suppression, ethnic marginality and the class tensions it created could actually fuel participation in colonial campaigns, which promised immigrants upward mobility, access to state support, and land.

‘How Dare they Leave all this Unexcavated!’: Continuing to Discover Roman Bath

Communities and Connections ◽

10.1093/oso/9780199230341.003.0032 ◽

2007 ◽

Author(s):

Peter Davenport

Keyword(s):

Functional Analysis ◽

The West ◽

The North ◽

International Reputation ◽

History Of ◽

Roman Baths ◽

The City ◽

The Temple ◽

The frustrated cry of the young Barry Cunliffe has an odd echo in these days of preservation in situ. Sitting in the Roman Baths on his first visit as a schoolboy in 1955, he was astonished at how much was unknown about the Baths, despite their international reputation: large areas ‘surrounded by big question marks . . . all around . . . the word ‘‘unexcavated’’ ’ (Cunliffe 1984: xiii; figure 1). His later understanding of the realities and constraints of excavation only sharpened his desire to know more. Now, fifty years on and more, due in large part to that drive to know, his curiosity, we can claim to have made as much progress in our understanding of the baths and the city around them as had occurred in all the years before his visit, a history of archaeological enquiry stretching back over 400 years. In 1955 the baths were much as they had been discovered in the 1880s and 1890s. They were not well understood. The town, or city, or whatever surrounded it, were almost completely unknown, or at best, misunderstood. It was still possible in that year to argue that the temple of Sulis Minerva was on the north of the King’s Bath, not, as records of earlier discoveries made clear, on the west (Richmond and Toynbee 1955). Yet as the young Cunliffe sat and mused, the archaeological world was beginning to take note and a modern excavation campaign was beginning; indeed had begun: Professor Ian Richmond, in a short eight years to become a colleague, had started ‘his patient and elegant exploration of the East Baths’ the summer before (Cunliffe 1969: v). Richmond initiated a small number of very limited investigations into the East Baths, elucidating a tangle of remains that, while clearly the result of a succession of alterations and archaeological phases, had never been adequately analysed. Richmond’s main aim was to understand the developmental history of the baths, and this approach, combined with a thoughtful and thorough study of the rest of the remains, led to a still broadly accepted phasing and functional analysis (Cunliffe 1969).

‘Our Sea’, 146 BC–AD 150

The Great Sea ◽

10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0020 ◽

2011 ◽

Author(s):

David Abulafia

Keyword(s):

The Political ◽

The West ◽

Political Relationship ◽

Ethnic History ◽

History Of ◽

The Mediterranean ◽

Sphere Of Influence ◽

The Right ◽

The Relationship ◽

The relationship between Rome and the Mediterranean was already changing significantly before the fall of Carthage and of Corinth. This relationship took two forms. There was the political relationship: it was clear before the Third Punic War that the Roman sphere of influence extended to Spain in the west and to Rhodes in the east, even when the Roman Senate did not exercise direct dominion over the coasts and islands. Then there was the commercial relationship that was creating increasingly close bonds between Rome’s merchants and the corners of the Mediterranean. Yet the Senate and the merchants were distinct groups of people. Like Homer’s heroes, Roman aristocrats liked to claim that they did not sully their hands in trade, which they associated with craft, peculation and dishonesty. How could a merchant make a profit without lies, deception and bribes? Rich merchants were successful gamblers; their fortune depended on taking risks and enjoying luck. This condescending attitude did not prevent Romans as eminent as the Elder Cato and Cicero from commercial dealings, but naturally these were effected through agents, most of whom were Romans in a new sense. As it gained control of Italy, Rome offered allied status to the citizens of many of the towns that fell under its rule, and also established its own colonies of army veterans. ‘Romanness’ was thus increasingly detached from the experience of living in Rome and, besides, only part of the population of the city counted as Roman citizens, with the right to vote, a right denied to women and to slaves. There may have been about 200,000 slaves in Rome around 1 BC , about one-fifth of the total population. Their experience forms an important part of the ethnic history of the Mediterranean. Captives from Carthage and Corinth might be set to work in the fields, having to endure a harsh existence far from home, ignorant of the fate of their spouses and children. Iberian captives were put to work in the silver mines of southern Spain, in unspeakable conditions.

Egyptian‐Sudanese Trade in the Ottoman Period to 1882

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History ◽

10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.8 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Terence Walz

Keyword(s):

Nile Valley ◽

Free Enterprise ◽

The West ◽

Trade Routes ◽

Political Conditions ◽

The Government ◽

Trade Route ◽

Individual Traders ◽

The City ◽

Egypt’s trade in the Ottoman period with the Sudanic kingdoms to its south waxed and waned according to political conditions at either end of its trade routes. During the 16th and 17th centuries, powerful kingdoms developed in the area of Sinnar (near modern-day Khartoum) and to the west in the area of Darfur. The trade route connecting western Sudan to Egypt, known as the Forty Days Road, was ancient, probably dating to the Pharaonic period, but it experienced a remarkable revival in the 17th century when the Keira sultans of Darfur consolidated their rule in western Sudan and engaged in trade with Egypt in order to obtain luxury goods. In the following two centuries, trade between Egypt, Sinnar, and Darfur flourished, the pattern being that Egyptian, Syrian, and European-made goods were exchanged primarily for Sudanic exports of slaves, ivory, ostrich feathers, and livestock. Sudanese merchants, known as jallaba, came to Egypt and Egyptians settled in the Sudan as a result of these developments. Asyut was the town in Upper Egypt chiefly benefiting from the revival of the caravan trade, but the primary trade destination was Cairo, whence most merchants went. In 1820, the Egyptians invaded the Sudan and trade between the two countries fell under a different set of rules and regulations. Initially monopolized by the government, items in the trade began to be sold by individual traders, and after 1839, when the Muhammad Ali, ruler of Egypt, was forced to withdraw from lands his army had conquered in Arabia and the Levant, European free enterprise soon became a major economic force in the Nile Valley. For a brief period, between 1845 and 1860, Egyptian middlemen, working closely with jallaba, profited richly from the Sudan trade, the city of Asyut prospered, but eventually they fell victim to European economic domination.

Traces of French Culture in Palanga: The Historical Context of Palanga Botanical Park, Personalities, and Memory

Lituanistica ◽

10.6001/lituanistica.v67i2.4446 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 67 (2) ◽

Author(s):

Julija Paškevičiūtė

Keyword(s):

Local Community ◽

Historical Context ◽

The Public ◽

Seaside Resort ◽

French Culture ◽

History Of ◽

The Will ◽

The Relationship ◽

The City ◽

The article focuses on the origins of French culture in Palanga, a Lithuanian seaside resort, that go back to the years of the rule of the Tyszkiewicz family. The emphasis is put on Palanga Botanical Park (created before the end of the nineteenth century) as the most significant trace of French culture present in the resort and the seaside region until now. The specific symbols in the park created according to the will of the Counts Tyszkiewicz reflect the actualities of French culture. The importance of this space in the city is revealed, and Édouard François André’s principles of park creation are discussed in a new context. They are related to the dialogue that has been established between the residents of Palanga, the park, its creator, and his granddaughter Florence André since the first years of the independence of Lithuania. In order to give a meaning to Édouard André’s creation and to the relationship between the two countries, the correspondence between the great-granddaughter of the famous French landscape designer and the former director of the park, Antanas Sebeckas, is disclosed. It reflects the endeavour of these two personalities and its value for the international relations in representing French culture to the public. Florence André’s letters to the author of this article are also an important resource as she explains the reasons why the park plays an essential role in Palanga. It is shown how certain personal life events (Florence André’s wedding ceremony in Palanga, the park created by her great-grandfather) have become an inclusive part of the history of the town and represent intercultural relations and exchanges. The article is also based on some memories and narratives of the members of the local community in which the park features as a symbol and tradition of the city.

Karakteristik Katarak Kongenital di RSUD Provinsi NTB Periode 2018-2019

Jurnal Syntax Fusion ◽

10.54543/fusion.v1i12.123 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 1 (12) ◽

pp. 946-956

Author(s):

Rani Salsabilla ◽

Marie Yuni Andari ◽

Monalisa Nasrul

Keyword(s):

General Hospital ◽

Age Distribution ◽

Secondary Data ◽

The West ◽

Congenital Cataracts ◽

Natural Birth ◽

History Of ◽

The Right ◽

The City ◽

Descriptive Method

Congenital cataracts are the leading cause of blindness in children. Lens opacity in early life has the potential to cause permanent visual impairment if not treated promptly. Cataract surgery performed at the right time can prevent children from amblyopia (lazy eye). This study aims to determine the characteristics of congenital cataracts at the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial General Hospital in the 2018-2019 period. This research uses descriptive method. The data used is secondary data from medical records of congenital cataract patients at the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial General Hospital in the 2018-2019 period. In the 2018-2019 period, 40 children had congenital cataracts. Most of the cataract sufferers were women (52.5%); living outside the city of Mataram (92.5%) with an age distribution of under 12 months (95%) and the rest over 12 months. For infants under 12 months, 53 percent have been diagnosing at the age of 1-2 months. The characteristics of congenital cataracts found were generally bilateral (52.5%), had standard birth weight (52.5%), history of natural birth delivery (67.5%), and had other extraocular congenital abnormalities (72.5%). Most patients with congenital cataracts in the West Nusa Tenggara Provincial General Hospital have been diagnosing at a (pretty/moderately) early age of 1-2 months at the beginning of their lives. So, with appropriate and prompt therapy, hoping that it can reduce the risk of amblyopia.

Trakhtemirov: A Fortified City site on the Dnieper

Classical Olbia and the Scythian World ◽

10.5871/bacad/9780197264041.003.0008 ◽

2007 ◽

Author(s):

YU. V. BOLTRIK ◽

E. E. FIALKO

Keyword(s):

Iron Age ◽

Central Place ◽

The Other ◽

Early Iron Age ◽

The West ◽

Trade Routes ◽

Scythian Period ◽

A Site ◽

This chapter focuses on Trakhtemirov, one of the most important ancient settlements of the Early Iron Age in the Ukraine. During the ancient period, the trade routes and caravans met at Trakhtemirov which was situated over the three crossing points of the Dneiper. Its location on the steep heights assured residents of Trakhtemirov security of settlement. On three sides it was protected by the course of the Dnieper while on the other side it was defended by the plateau of the pre-Dneiper elevation. The ancient Trakhtemirov city is located around 100 km below Kiev, on a peninsula which is jutted into the river from the west. Trakhtemirov in the Early Iron Age was important as it was the site of the Cossack capital of Ukraine. It was also the site of the most prestigious artefacts of the Scythian period and a site for various items of jewellery, tools and weaponry. The abundance of artefacts in Trakhtemirov suggests that the city is a central place among the scattered sites of the middle course of the Dneiper.

Urban Formalism

10.5422/fordham/9780823288045.001.0001 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

David Faflik

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

New York ◽

Cultural History ◽

Subjective Experience ◽

The West ◽

Urban Experience ◽

Street Protest ◽

History Of ◽

New Form ◽

Urban Formalism radically reimagines what it meant to “read” a brave new urban world during the transformative middle decades of the nineteenth century. At a time when contemporaries in the twin capitals of modernity in the West, New York and Paris, were learning to make sense of unfamiliar surroundings, city peoples increasingly looked to the experiential patterns, or forms, from their everyday lives in an attempt to translate urban experience into something they could more easily comprehend. Urban Formalism interrogates both the risks and rewards of an interpretive practice that depended on the mutual relation between urbanism and formalism, at a moment when the subjective experience of the city had reached unprecedented levels of complexity. What did it mean to read a city sidewalk as if it were a literary form, like a poem? On what basis might the material form of a burning block of buildings be received as a pleasurable spectacle? How closely aligned were the ideology and choreography of the political form of a revolutionary street protest? And what were the implications of conceiving of the city’s exciting dynamism in the static visual form of a photographic composition? These are the questions that Urban Formalism asks and begins to answer, with the aim of proposing a revisionist semantics of the city. This book not only provides an original cultural history of forms. It posits a new form of urban history, comprised of the representative rituals of interpretation that have helped give meaningful shape to metropolitan life.

III.—The Pre-Cambrian Rocks of Wales

Geological Magazine ◽

10.1017/s0016756800173984 ◽

1893 ◽

Vol 10 (9) ◽

pp. 396-401

Author(s):

Henry Hicks

Keyword(s):

Small animal species in the livelihoods of small-scale farmers in tropical Bolivia

BSAP Occasional Publication ◽

10.1017/s1463981500041704 ◽

2004 ◽

Vol 33 ◽

pp. 117-132

Author(s):

R.T. Paterson ◽

F. Rojas

Keyword(s):

Animal Species ◽

Small Animal ◽

Small Scale ◽

Santa Cruz ◽

The West ◽

North West ◽

Ph Values ◽

The Andes ◽

Small Scale Farmers ◽

In the Bolivian Department of Santa Cruz, the Provinces of Sara and Ichilo lie some 100 km North-West of the city of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, where they occupy an area of about 21,000 km2. Most of the region is a flat, alluvial plain, 350-450 m above sea level, with young soils prone to localized, seasonal waterlogging, although the land becomes undulating and rises to 800 m as it approaches the foothills of the Andes to the west. The soils are moderately fertile with pH values often in the range of 4.5 to 5.5.