scholarly journals COATS OF ARMS AND ZOOMORPHIC AND MYTHOLOGICAL MOTIFS IN THE MOGOSOAIA PALACE, ROMANIA

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurentiu-Stefan Szemkovics ◽  
Camelia Teodorescu ◽  
Andrei Ducman ◽  
Cristian Cazacu
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 279-281
Author(s):  
Mikhalil Shelkovenko
Keyword(s):  

COATS OF ARMS OF RUSSIAN CAVALIERS IN THE COATS OF ARMS OF DANISH ROYAL ORDERS


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Jovan Jonovski

Every European region and country has some specific heraldry. In this paper, we will consider heraldry in the People’s/Socialist Republic of Macedonia, understood by the multitude of coats of arms, and armorial knowledge and art. Due to historical, as well as geographical factors, there is only a small number of coats of arms and a developing knowledge of art, which make this paper’s aim feasible. This paper covers the earliest preserved heraldic motifs and coats of arms found in Macedonia, as well as the attributed arms in European culture and armorials of Macedonia, the кing of Macedonia, and Alexander the Great of Macedonia. It also covers the land arms of Macedonia from the so-called Illyrian Heraldry, as well as the state and municipal heraldry of P/SR Macedonia. The paper covers the development of heraldry as both a discipline and science, and the development of heraldic thought in SR Macedonia until its independence in 1991.


1984 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Bruyn

AbstractFrom 1911 to 1961 Félix Chrétien, secretary to François de Dinteville II, Bishop of Auxerre in Burgundy, and from 1542 onwards a canon in that town, was thought to be the author of three remarkable paintings. Two of these were mentioned by an 18th-century local historian as passing for his work: a tripych dated 1535 on the central panel with scenes from the legend of St. Eugenia, which is now in the parish church at Varzy (Figs. 1-3, cf. Note 10), and a panel dated 1550 with the Martyrdom of St. Stephen in the ambulatory of Auxerre Cathedral. To these was added a third work, a panel dated 1537 with Moses and Aaron before Pharaoh, which is now in New York (Figs. 4-5, cf. Notes I and 3). All three works contain a portrait of François de Dinteville, who is accompanied in the Varzy triptych and the New York panel (where he figures as Aaron) by other portrait figures. In the last-named picture these include his brothers) one of whom , Jean de Dinteville, is well-known as the man who commissioned Holbein's Ambassadors in 1533. Both the Holbein and Moses and Aaron remained in the family's possession until 1787. In order to account for the striking affinity between the style of this artist and that of Netherlandish Renaissance painters, Jan van Scorel in particular, Anthony Blunt posited a common debt to Italy, assuming that the painter accompanied François de Dinteville on a mission to Rome in 1531-3 (Note 4). Charles Sterling) on the other hand, thought of Netherlandish influence on him (Note 5). In 1961 Jacques Thuillier not only stressed the Northern features in the artist's style, especially in his portraits and landscape, but also deciphered Dutch words in the text on a tablet depicted in the Varzy triptych (Fig. I) . He concluded that the artist was a Northerner himself and could not possibly have been identical with Félix Chrétien (Note 7). Thuillier's conclusion is borne out by the occurrence of two coats of arms on the church depicted in the Varzy triptych (Fig. 2), one of which is that of a Guild of St. Luke, the other that of the town of Haarlem. The artist obviously wanted it to be known that he was a master in the Haarlem guild. Unfortunately, the Haarlem guild archives provide no definite clue as to his identity. He may conceivably have been Bartholomeus Pons, a painter from Haarlem, who appears to have visited Rome and departed again before 22 June 15 18, when the Cardinal of S. Maria in Aracoeli addressed a letter of indulgence to him (without calling him a master) care of a master at 'Tornis'-possibly Tournus in Burgundy (Note 11). The name of Bartholomeus Pons is further to be found in a list of masters in the Haarlem guild (which starts in 1502, but gives no further dates, Note 12), while one Bartholomeus received a commission for painting two altarpiece wings and a predella for Egmond Abbey in 1523 - 4 (Note 13). An identification of the so-called Félix Chrétien with Batholomeus Pons must remain hypothetical, though there are a number of correspondences between the reconstructed career of the one and the fragmentary biography of the other. The painter's work seems to betray an early training in a somewhat old-fashioned Haarlem workshop, presumably around 1510. He appears to have known Raphael's work in its classical phase of about 1515 - 6 and to have been influenced mainly by the style of the cartoons for the Sistine tapestries (although later he obviously also knew the Master of the Die's engravings of the story of Psyche of about 1532, cf .Note 8). His stylistic development would seem to parallel that of Jan van Scorel, who was mainly influenced by the slightly later Raphael of the Loggie. This may explain the absence of any direct borrowings from Scorel' work. It would also mean that a more or less Renaissance style of painting was already being practised in Haarlem before Scorel's arrival there in 1527. Thuillier added to the artist's oeuvre a panel dated 1537 in Frankfurt- with the intriguing scene of wine barrels being lowered into a cellar - which seems almost too sophisticated to be attributed to the same hand as the works in Varzy and New York, although it does appear to come from the same workshop (Fig. 6, Note 21). A portrait of a man, now in the Louvre, was identified in 197 1 as a fragment of a work by the so-called Félix Chrétien himself (Fig. 8, Note 22). The Martyrdom of St. Stephen of 1550 was rejected by Thuillier because of its barren composition and coarse execution. Yet it seems to have too much in common with the other works to be totally separated, from them and may be taken as evidence that the workshop was still active at Auxerre in 1550.


Ethnohistory ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. C. de la Paz
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Kseniya Borodin ◽  

Background: The names of houses in Lviv, including villas, are still an unexplored niche in Lviv studies. The issue of semantics of pre-war names of Lviv villas is important at the present stage of the development of the onomastic research. It gives the clue of a good house name to modern naming and house-building companies. Purpose: The author put forward the task to acquaint readers with the Lviv’s named villas (ХІХ–the beginning of ХХ century), to describe the specification of naming features and name functions in diachronic cut and to define semantic groups of villa`s names. They appeared in the times when in naming there was no real practical need and became a manifestation of home essence, a mediator in communication between the owner, the host and a passerby, a potential guest. The name of the house emphasized its individuality, charm, created an emotional personal component of the city text. It was associated with its owners and gave an idea of the level of well-being, education, national composition and religious affiliation of the inhabitants. Results: Lviv`s villas were named mostly in Polish by its owners, architects or citizens. Their purposes were to nominate, distinguish (address function), inform, separate from the others, express oneself as an author, as well as to advertise. The nominative field of Lviv`s house names is represented by women’s names and their shorten forms, words with positive associations, sometimes with several meanings, family coats of arms, external characteristics and location of the house. Key words: name semantic, nominating field, dwelling house, villa, L’viv.


Author(s):  
S.F. Tataurov ◽  
S.S. Tikhonov

In this article, the authors analyse materials from the excavations of the Tara fortress (Omsk Region, Wes-tern Siberia), founded in 1594 by Prince Andrei Yeletsky and functioned as the main outpost of the Russians in the Middle Irtysh region to counter Khan Kuchum, the Kuchumovichs, and then the newly-arrived population from Dzungaria and Kazakhstan, until construction of the Omsk fortress in 1716. The aim of this research is to identify amongst the finds the articles of Polish-Lithuanian origin, in outward appearance similar to Russian ones. Having studied the collections formed during the excavations of the fortress in 2007–2020, the authors came to the con-clusion that such items are definitely represented by the signet rings with nobility coats of arms, coins, and bap-tismal crosses made according to the Catholic canon. Potentially, Polish-Lithuanian origin could be assigned to some types of fabrics and leather goods, such as a travel compass case with images of French fleur-de-lis, some types of shoes, and handgun holsters. The presence of Venetian glass ware and plinth bricks in the layers of the 17th c., according to the authors, is also associated with the arrival in Tara of the population that had previously resided in the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or on the western borders of Muscovy. The owners of these items ended up in Tara (and in Western Siberia) because they were taken prisoners or sided with the Rus-sians during the Russian-Polish wars. Over time, they formed a special category of service people called ‘Lithuania’. This is evidenced by numerous written sources. The basis for this conclusion is given by particular characteristics of Tara's trade relations established, primarily, with China, Lesser and Greater Bukharia, and the Uzbek Khanate, i.e., with the south in the 17th c., from where Chinese porcelain, silk and cotton fabrics, and some types of smo-king pipes came to Tara. At that time, weapons, bread, coarse fabrics, money for salaries of the servicemen of the Siberian garrisons, and cheap beads were imported to Tara from the west through Kazan, Kungur, and Lozva. In the 18th c., the main trade of the Russians began to concentrate in Troitskosavsk (Kyakhta since 1934) on the border with Mongolia, from where tea, silk, and porcelain were exported, whereas a flow of Russian-made goods, as well as European wines, sugar, some species of nuts, and spices, was established through Kazan into Siberia. Instead of ’Lithuania’, Germans started coming to Siberia. In the 19th c., Poles reappeared en masse in Western Siberia. However, those were no longer residents of Lithuania and Western Russian principalities, but ethnic Poles exiled to Siberia for participation in anti-Russian uprisings.


2021 ◽  
pp. 665-674
Author(s):  
Evgeniy V. Pchelov ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of images of territorial coats of arms in the "Titulyarnik" of 1672. The "Titulyarnik," existing in several copies, is the most important source on the history of Russian heraldry. It is a complete visual embodiment of the complex of territorial coats of arms, formed via mentioning the corresponding lands in the royal title. By the early 1670s, the territorial title of the Russian tsars included over 30 names. It had significantly changed and had been supplemented in connection with the events of the war between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of 1654–67, which was successful and resulted in annexation of new territories. These territorial incorporations were interpreted by the Russian side as the return of the ancestral lands, the "fatherland" of the Muscovite sovereigns. The "Titulyarnik" became the second source after the Great Seal of Ivan the Terrible, in which the heraldic representation of the royal title was given in its entirety. The complex of territorial coats of arms underwent certain changes since the end of the 1570s, when the Great Seal of Ivan the Terrible had been created. These changes most probably took place under the first Romanovs, starting in the 1620s. At the same time, some coats of arms were re-drawn. In the "Titulyarnik," most of the territorial coats of arms were also changed. Moreover, the complex of territorial coats of arms was supplemented with completely new coats of arms. Iconographic and source analysis of the images of coats of arms and their comparison with earlier versions has allowed the author to identify some important patterns of their transformation. It has been determined that many territorial coats of arms of the "Titulyarnik" were significantly strengthened by Christian semantics. This was primarily done by addition of various Christian symbols to the coats of arms. The most important of these symbols was the cross, represented in its two forms — straight and x-shaped cross. Thus, the heraldic reform carried out in the "Titulyarnik" was consistent; it was associated with the need to emphasize the Orthodox nature of the Muscovite Tsardom as guardian and defender of the Christian religion. Christian semantics also appeared in the heraldic verses written by an unknown author in the 1670s. In these verses, the territorial coats of arms were described and their interpretation was given. Variants of the coats of arms presented in the "Titulyarnik" continued to exist in the period of the Russian Empire.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (43) ◽  
pp. 198-206
Author(s):  
T. Zavadovskyy

Cultural tourism in context of architectural heritage and patterns of the heraldic compositions in L’viv is analyzed. The Coats of arms and famous families who lived in L’viv are described. The thematic rout – Heraldic Traditions of the gentry of Ukrainian origin is offered. Key words: cultural tourism in L’viv, heraldic compositions, noble families in L’viv – Sheptytski, Senyavski, Didushytski.


Author(s):  
Elizaveta Strakhov

This chapter examines Guillaume de Machaut’s and Geoffrey Chaucer’s association of the color blue with fidelity and green with infidelity, a color scheme that derives from contemporary heraldry. The mid- to late fourteenth century witnessed a marked surge in the number of people commissioning coats of arms; this phenomenon lead to a number of high-profile lawsuits over cases of mistaken and fraudulent armigerous identity. Chaucer himself was a witness in one of these, Scrope v. Grosvenor (1385–1391). Machaut’s and Chaucer’s use of this metaphor is read through these lawsuits to show that the two poets use heraldic color to explore issues surrounding legal identity and social reputation in their texts. Delving into the historical relationship between heraldic law and intellectual property law, the chapter further shows that both poets use these colors to figure concerns over their authorial reputations and intellectual property.


1971 ◽  
pp. 199-200
Author(s):  
Bainbridge Copnall
Keyword(s):  

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