scholarly journals THE SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND REGIME CHANGES IN INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 811-821
Author(s):  
Nurus Shalihin ◽  
Firdaus ◽  
Muhammad Sholihin ◽  
Andri Ashadi

Purpose of the study: This paper aims to explain social violence during the transition of three regimes in Indonesia, from the Old Order to the New Order and from the New Order to the Reformation. This paper also analyzes the motives behind the violence at each transition of the regimes. Methodology: The research was conducted through a literature study by examining media documents, magazines, research reports, scientific articles, and books on various social violence practices in every three regimes in Indonesia. Main Findings: The result of the study found that the social violence in Indonesia has occurred in various forms and motives. Five types of social violence have been identified, communal violence, separatist violence, state-community violence, industrial relations violence, and political violence. The social violence has used as a tool to silence the past and carry out political propaganda by elites and to gain the power by opposition. Thus, it argues that all social violence practices are constructed by various interests of the regimes and anti-regimes. Applications of this study: This study provides a mapping of violence in every political and regime transition in Indonesia. Thus, this study can be applied for two important issues. First, this study can be used as reference in anticipating political violence in the national and regional election process in Indonesia in particular, and other countries in general. Second, for developing countries, this study can be used as reference as reference in mapping and analyzing various social violence practices that accompany the transition process. Novelty/Originality of this study: The recent studies of violence in Indonesia covered the issues of religious, ethnic, economic and political violence. There are limited studies violence and democracy transition in Indonesia and it’s relation to political regimes. This article focuses on violence and its relationship with the political regimes and regime’s changes in Indonesia.

Author(s):  
Evan A. Laksmana ◽  
Michael Newell

This chapter argues that, contrary to the rhetoric of the War on Terror, Indonesia’s counterterrorism policies are neither specific responses to transnational terror networks, nor are they simply a byproduct of the post-9/11 era. We argue, instead, that counterterrorism policies in Indonesia cannot be disentangled from historical state reactions to internal security challenges—ranging from social violence to terrorism and secessionism—since the country’s independence in 1945. While these different conflicts had diverse political, ideological, religious and territorial characteristics, they are united as disputes over the basic institutions and boundaries of the state. In light of this history, the Indonesian state’s response to contemporary political violence—such as the 2002 Bali bombings and the threat of transnational terrorism, allegedly centered on the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) group—should be reexamined as part of these broader, historical trends in state responses to internal violence. We further argue that while the state, in seeking to maintain its territorial integrity and defend its institutions, has responded in a variety of ways to these conflicts, the particular domestic tools of coercion and repression used in President Suharto’s authoritarian New Order—from arbitrary imprisonment to forced disappearances and an all-out military campaign—have contributed to the rise of JI and its splinter groups and left a legacy of mixed responses to terror. Our examination of the evolution of internal political violence and state counterterrorism demonstrates that terrorism and counterterrorism in Indonesia are rooted within this context of the disputed postcolonial state. As such, state responses to terrorism and political violence in Indonesia have taken both a different form and function when compared to the reactions of the United States and United Kingdom. While the latter states committed their militaries abroad in an effort to exterminate foreign militants, our analysis demonstrates that the state has crafted responses to various sources of domestic violence—including different secessionist movements and JI—on an ad hoc basis and, in doing so, has utilized different security institutions, from the military to the police.


2017 ◽  
pp. 9-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Fandiño Losada ◽  
Rodrigo Guerrero

"In Colombia violence does not disappear, it transforms," said the director of the National Institute of Forensic Medicine and Forensic Science (INMLCF) of Colombia recently. The Director refers to the long history of political violence that has persisted despite several peace processes; Mentions the social violence of children dying of malnutrition; Of the abuses against minors, that until October of the last year already passed of 18,000 denounces; Acid attacks on women, etc. The cruel murder of an eight-year-old girl recently happened in Bogotá is one more manifestation of the multiform violence that exists in Colombia, and that has raised the question of whether Colombia is truly an exceptionally violent country. [1] http://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/carlos-valdes-director-del-instituto-de-medicina-legal-violencia-en-colombia/511538


Author(s):  
Didier Fassin

If punishment is not what we say it is, if it is not justified by the reasons we invoke, if it facilitates repeat offenses instead of preventing them, if it punishes in excess of the seriousness of the act, if it sanctions according to the status of the offender rather than to the gravity of the offense, if it targets social groups defined beforehand as punishable, and if it contributes to producing and reproducing disparities, then does it not itself precisely undermine the social order? And must we not start to rethink punishment, not only in the ideal language of philosophy and law but also in the uncomfortable reality of social inequality and political violence?


ISIS Propaganda offers a comprehensive overview and analysis of the Islamic State’s (IS) propaganda. Combining a range of different theoretical perspectives from across the social sciences and using rigorous methods, the authors pursue several interconnected tasks. They trace the origins of IS’s message, they lay bare the strategic logic guiding its evolution, they examine each of its many components (magazines, videos, music, social media, etc.) and show how they work together to radicalize audiences’ worldviews, and they highlight the challenges such a “full-spectrum propaganda” raises in terms of counterterrorism. The volume hence not only represents a one-stop point for any analyst of IS and Salafi-jihadism, but also a rich contribution to the study of text and visual propaganda, radicalization and political violence, and international security.


2021 ◽  
pp. 096701062199722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nivi Manchanda ◽  
Chris Rossdale

The past ten years have witnessed a revival in scholarship on militarism, through which scholars have used the concept to make sense of the embeddedness of warlike relations in contemporary liberal societies and to account for how the social, political and economic contours of those same societies are implicated in the legitimation and organization of political violence. However, a persistent shortcoming has been the secondary role of race and coloniality in these accounts. This article demonstrates how we might position racism and colonialism as integral to the functioning of contemporary militarism. Centring the thought and praxis of the US Black Panther Party, we argue that the particular analysis developed by Black Panther Party members, alongside their often-tense participation in the anti–Vietnam War movement, offers a strong reading of the racialized and colonial politics of militarism. In particular, we show how their analysis of the ghetto as a colonial space, their understanding of the police as an illegitimate army of occupation and, most importantly, Huey Newton’s concept of intercommunalism prefigure an understanding of militarism premised on the interconnections between racial capitalism, violent practices of un/bordering and the dissolving boundaries between war and police action.


2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kumkum Chatterjee

This article studies the importance of scribal skills in sustaining political regimes and the function of scribal careers in shaping and creating social and ritual status with particular reference to Bengal from the thirteenth till the eighteenth centuries. Based on histories of landed families, middle period Bengali literature and the large genealogical corpus (kulagranthas) of this region, the article surveys the social geography of literate–scribal communities and their long association with a number of Indo–Islamic regimes which ruled over Bengal during these centuries. The article explores the social and cultural implications of scribal careers as well as the educational and linguistic proficiencies which undergirded them. Finally, the article notes the role played by polities in regulating jati hierarchies and boundaries and comments on its implications for the period studied here as also for the colonial/modern period.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 373-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sissel Trygstad ◽  
Trine P Larsen ◽  
Kristine Nergaard

Industrial cleaning shares some common features across countries. Institutions for collective wage regulation are fragile, the market is highly price-sensitive and skewed competition has exerted pressure on wages and conditions. Increased cross-border mobility of labour and enterprises after EU enlargement brought new sources of competitive pressure, which was amplified by the subsequent economic crisis. We study changes in collective regulation in industrial cleaning in Denmark, Germany, Norway and the UK since the turn of the century, and find that the social partners have responded differently to the challenges. We discuss these responses in the light of national differences in industrial relations regimes and the regulatory tools available for the organized actors.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Shahram Habibzadeh ◽  
Farhad Poufarzi ◽  
Mohammad Mehrtak ◽  
Saied Sadeghiyeh-Ahari ◽  
Mehdi Jafari-Oori ◽  
...  

<p><strong>Introduction:</strong> In all human societies, domestic violence is known as a threat. Violence is imposing one's will on others through mental pressure and physical damage then can cause a feeling of anxiety and insecurity in them, especially for the weaker and more vulnerable groups such as women, children, elderly and minority groups who are the victims of oppression and socioeconomic inequalities. According to statistics, Ardabil, in comparison with other Iran’s provinces, has the most number of violent crimes. This qualitative research was conducted with the aim of exploring pathological phenomena of social violence in Ardabil province.</p><p><strong>Methods:</strong> this qualitative study was conducted with expert panel. Eighteen participants were selected with targeted sampling method from professors and the heads of the administrative offices who were linked to the phenomenon of social violence and have rich experiences with the social violence issues. After obtaining an informed consent from the participants, expert panel were conducted in two sessions of 150 minutes. At each session all discourse was recorded and after that, immediately transcribed verbatim. Then, the codes, sub-themes and the themes were obtained.</p><p><strong>Results:</strong> The five main extracted themes included: social, historical and anthropological, cultural, economic and regional factors and 13 sub-themes were classified.</p><p><strong>Conclusion:</strong> Social, economic, cultural and regional structure, which have been formed and institutionalized in the society over the years, can be influenced and changed by government policies and a variety of programs.</p>


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