scholarly journals THE EPISTOLAR LEGACY OF HETMAN IVAN MAZEPA AS A SOURCE FOR THE STUDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE AUTHORITIES AND THE ORTHODOX CLERGY

Author(s):  
Ivan Lupol

The purposes of this article are to highlight on the basis of the epistolary legacy of Hetman Ivan Mazepa his relationship with the Ukrainian Orthodox clergy, the main directions, ways and methods of helping the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, to follow determine certain directions of Hetman I. Mazepa's activity in relation to the Orthodox Church in the Ukrainian lands, on the basis of his epistolary heritage, which was aimed at comprehensive assistance to the church; to establish the main directions of his help and the ways in which Hetman helped the Ukrainian Orthodox clergy.  The article analyzes a certain part of the epistolary heritage of Hetman I. Mazepa. The set of letters used in the study makes it possible to trace the main trends in the relations of Hetman I. Mazepa with the Ukrainian Orthodox Church during his reign. It was found that most of the studied and analyzed letters of Hetman I. Mazepa to various representatives of the Orthodox clergy and some representatives of the Cossack officers speak of comprehensive support of the Orthodox Church in Ukrainian lands (benefits, material assistance, protection of Ukrainian Orthodox clergy at the political level, etc. e.). The letters also clearly show the tendency that Hetman I. Mazepa tried to make the Orthodox Church one of his main pillars for consolidating his power (it is clearly traced in the letters dated to the first years of his reign).

2020 ◽  
pp. 227-238
Author(s):  
A. A. Valitov ◽  
D. Yu. Fedotova

The events of February 1917, presented on the pages of the church periodicals of Western Siberia, is examined in the article. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that for the first time in Russian historiography the political upheavals of this period have been analyzed on the basis of materials from regional diocesan records. The authors note that the diocesan records are an important historical source. A detailed analysis of the content of articles of Omsk, Tobolsk, Tomsk periodicals (“Diocesan Gazette”) on the presentation of the political events of February 1917 in them is carried out. The novelty of the research lies in identifying the attitude of the regional clergy to the revolutionary events in the period from February to April 1917. The presented results of the comparative analysis can be grouped according to the chronology and significance of the events that took place. The article concludes that it was during this period that one could hear the opinion of the Russian Orthodox Church on political changes in the country. It is noted that of particular interest were the issues of the relationship between the Church and the Provisional Government, this topic remained the most acute after the fall of the monarchy. It is shown that the representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church wanted to restore historical justice and receive autonomous government and independence from the secular authorities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 286-305
Author(s):  
A. A. Ivanov

The question of the attitude of the Orthodox Russian clergy to the right-wing political parties at the beginning of the 20th century — the Black Hundreds (the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel, etc.) and Russian nationalists (the All-Russian National Union and related organizations) is considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the introduction into scientific circulation of new sources (materials of the church press), which make it possible to make a number of significant clarifications in the existing ideas about the relationship between the Orthodox Church and right-wing political organizations. Particular attention is paid to the differences in the views of clergymen on the Black Hundred unions and political structures of Russian nationalists. The reasons for the cooperation of conservative Orthodox pastors with the Black Hundred unions and organizations of Russian nationalists and the circumstances that forced the clergy to show concern for the views and activities of right-wing parties are shown. It is argued that the secularization and Westernization of Russian nationalism, which led to the departure of its ideologists and followers from the foundations of the Orthodox doctrine and church worldview, became the main reasons for the wary attitude of church circles towards the political organizations of Russian nationalists.


Author(s):  
Анна Леонидовна Краснова

В XVIII в. на основании общего интереса к святыням Востока, а также единой тенденции для крупных монастырей изготавливать гравюры на память для паломников, многие греческие гравюры свидетели русско-афонских отношений попадают на территорию Российской Империи. Сохранились такие гравюры и в Церковноархеологического кабинете Московской духовной академии, собрание которых насчитывает 29 эстампов. Пять гравюр из этого собрания имеют надписи на греческом и на славянском языке. Надписи свидетельствуют о месте и времени создания гравюры, о граверах и заказчиках, являются источниками кратких исторических сведений. В статье приведены выявленные дополнительные факты об этих гравюрах, которые свидетельствуют о наличии церковных, экономических и политических отношений на базе культурных связей между Российской Империей и странами православного Востока. The Russ has always been supporting the relationship with the Orthodox Church of the East. As a result of these connections, we have a lot of icons and other gifts from The Mount Athos, The Saint Catherine’s Monastery and others holy places. There are five Greek engravings in the collection of The Museum of Church Archaeology at the Moscow Theological Academy, which have inscriptions in Greek and Slavic. These engravings were to be spread in Slavic countries. They are dated from the 17th to the 19th century. Some of them were made in Moscow. The images and the inscriptions of the engravings are the subject of a research presented in this article.


Author(s):  
Radu Bordeianu

Orthodox theologians such as Bulgakov, Florovsky, Afanasiev, Staniloae, and Zizioulas consider eucharistic communion to be the sign of ecclesial unity, but their understandings of the boundaries of the church and unity in love, teaching, episcopacy, and Eucharist (including intercommunion) are varied. This chapter analyses Orthodox understandings of the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Una Sancta of the creed, considers the ecclesial status of other Christians, and assesses various models of unity, such as ‘all in each place’ (New Delhi, 1961). Unity is conditioned theologically: Christians need to confess the same faith, though uniformity is not the goal. Churches should enjoy unity in love, common service at the altar of the poor (in ‘the liturgy after the liturgy’), synodal decision-making, and communion among local churches represented by their bishops. These forms of unity do not represent successive stages, but they mutually condition each other.


2020 ◽  
pp. 264-268
Author(s):  
Николай Сапсай

В данном обзоре будет представлен труд, в котором анализируется развитие тенденции черногорских властей к сепаратизму совместно с формированием своей идентичности и церкви. В книге особенно прослеживается радикализация позиции черногорских властей по отношению к сербской идентичности и культуре, в том числе и канонической Сербской Православной Церкви. Также читатeли получат более полную картину о событиях, которые способствовали усложнению взаимоотношений между Церковью и государством в Черногории. Книга будет полезна всем тем, кто интересуется новейшей историей и положением дел в Черногории. This review will present a book that analyzes the development of the Montenegrin authorities’ tendency towards separatism together with the formation of their own identity and church. The book especially traces the radicalization of the position of the Montenegrin authorities in relation to Serbian identity and culture, including the canonical Serbian Orthodox Church. Also, the readers will receive a more complete picture of the events that contributed to the complication of the relationship between the Church and the state in Montenegro. The book will be useful to all those who are interested in the latest history and the state of affairs in Montenegro.


2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Wielenga

In this article the Dutch roots of Reformed missionary work, based at Richmond (KZN) since 1960 are analysed. The following three aspects were investigated: the church-historical background of Dutch missionary work in KwaZulu-Natal; the political context within which the work was undertaken, the relationship between the Gereformeerde Kerke in Suid-Afrika (GKSA) and the Dutch churches that sent missionaries to KwaZulu-Natal, the Netherlands Reformed Churches (Nederlands Gereformeerde Kerken). The investigation undertaken in this article attempts to contribute to a deeper understanding of the sometimes uneasy relationship between the GKSA and one of her missionary partners from abroad.


2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-43
Author(s):  
Lucian N. Leustean

This article analyzes the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the communist regime during one of the most intense periods of religious persecution in the Romanian People's Republic from 1956 to 1959. The church hierarchy demonstrated its support for the socialist construction of the country, while, at the same time, the regime began a campaign against religion by arresting clergy and reducing the number of religious people in monasteries; rumours even circulated that in 1958 Patriarch Justinian was under house arrest. Seeking closer contact with Western Europe, the regime allowed the hierarchy to meet foreign clergymen, especially from the Church of England. These diplomatic religious encounters played a double role. The regime realised that it could benefit from international ecclesiastical relations, while the image of Justinian in the West changed from that of “red patriarch” to that of a leader who was genuinely interested in his church's survival.


Africa ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth E. Watson

AbstractThis article explores the experience of one village in Ethiopia since the overthrow of the Marxist‐Leninist Derg regime in 1991. The new government introduced policies that have much in common with those dominating the international geopolitical scene in the 1990s and 2000s. These include an emphasis on democracy, grassroots participation and, to some extent, market liberalization. I report here on the manifestations of these policy shifts in Gamole village, in the district of Konso, once remote from the political centre in Addis Ababa but now expressing its identity through new federal political structures. Traditional power relations between traders and farmers in Gamole have been transformed since 1991 as the traders have exploited opportunities to extend trade links, obtain land and build regional alliances through participation in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. They have appropriated the discourse of democracy to challenge their traditional position of subordination to the farmers – and this, in turn, has led to conflict. While these changes reflect the postsocialist transition, they can also be seen as part of a continuing process of change brought about by policies of reform in land tenure, the church and the state, introduced during the Derg period. These observations at a local level in Ethiopia provide insights into the experiences of other states in postsocialist transition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 79 (314) ◽  
pp. 637
Author(s):  
Elvis Rezende Messias ◽  
Marcial Maçaneiro

O presente artigo desenvolve a relação entre fé e compromisso político, com foco na possibilidade de opção partidária por parte dos fiéis católicos, à luz dos critérios antropológicos e sociais da Doutrina Social da Igreja, da contribuição teológica de Ratzinger/Bento XVI e dos documentos do CELAM. Problematiza-se a questão de ser ou não possível, ao católico, optar por determinados partidos ou legendas, em vista da participação pública na tarefa política. Como se trata de uma postura política e crente do sujeito, esta questão é refletida sob luz teológico-social, a partir do evento pascal de Cristo, que na Encarnação assumiu a historicidade humana, inspirando na Igreja a proposição de um humanismo integral. Daqui promanam os valores que a Doutrina Social estabelece: respeito pela dignidade humana, promoção da justiça e da paz, em vista de uma sociedade inclusiva e solidária. Com tais critérios, examinam-se os modelos ideológicos do capitalismo e do comunismo, alertando para eventuais reducionismos, em atenção a um projeto de humanidade inspirado no Evangelho. Como resultado desta abordagem propõe-se um olhar sobre a opção partidária mais dialogal que polarizado, atento à dimensão antropológica da Política e aos critérios da Doutrina Social da Igreja, em vista da condução da vida pública. Abstract: The present article develops the relationship between faith and political commitment, focusing on the possibility of an option for a given party by the Catholic faithful, in the light of the anthropological and social criteria of the Social Doctrine of the Church, of the Ratzinger/Bento xvi’s theological contribution and of the CELAM’s (Latin American Episcopal Council) documents. We question whether it is possible, for the Catholics, to opt for given parties or legends, in view of the need for public participation in the political tasks. Since we are dealing with the subject’s political posture and beliefs, this issue is looked at in a theological social light, starting with Christ’s Pascal event that in the Incarnation adopted the human historicity, inspiring the Church with the proposition of an integral humanism. From this derive the values established by the Social Doctrine: respect for the human dignity, the promotion of justice and peace, having in view an inclusive and solidary society. With such criteria, we examine the ideological models of capitalism and communism, calling attention to eventual reductionisms having in mind a project of humanity inspired in the Gospel. As a result of this approach we suggest viewing the party option in a more dialogical and polarized way, observing the anthropological dimension of Politics and the criteria of the Social Doctrine of the Church, in view of the way public life is conducted.Keywords: Faith; Politics; Party option; Social Doctrine of the Church.


2020 ◽  
pp. 149-180
Author(s):  
Радомир (Роман) Владимирович Булдаков

В настоящей публикации представлен ранее нигде не публиковавшийся Протокол Пензенского епархиального съезда духовенства и мирян, который проходил с 25 апреля по 1 мая 1917 г. Он отражает общее настроение рядового духовенства и мирян Русской Православной Церкви начала XX в. на примере конкретной епархии. Пензенский Съезд проходил одновременно с аналогичными Съездами многих других епархиальных центров, чьи постановления получили своё развитие на Всероссийском Съезде духовенства и мирян в Москве и далее на Поместном Соборе Православной Российской Церкви 1917- 1918 гг. Вопросы, рассматриваемые участниками Пензенского Съезда, касались как общецерковных проблем, так и внутренних дел самой епархии; часть постановлений вошла в состав решений Поместного Собора. Количество вопросов, поднятых на Съезде, превышает два десятка и относится к самым разным сферам церковно-государственных и церковно-общественных отношений, а также к внутренним преобразованиям самой Церкви, одновременно олицетворяя общую тенденцию к Её обновлению и являясь следствием этих перемен. Но среди них важнейшими, по мнению делегатов Съезда, считались вопросы об отношении к происходящим в стране политическим событиям и о поэтапной реформе церковной организации, начиная с прихода и заканчивая уровнем Поместной Российской Церкви. This publication presents the previously unpublished Protocol of the Penza Diocesan Congress of the Clergy and Laity, which took place from April 25 to May 1, 1917. It reflects the general mood of ordinary clergy and laity of the Russian Orthodox Church at the beginning of the 20th century by the example of a specific diocese. The Penza Congress was held simultaneously with similar Congresses of many other diocesan centers, whose resolutions were developed at the AllRussian Congress of Clergy and Laity in Moscow and further at the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1917-1918. The issues considered by the participants of the Penza Congress concerned both general church problems and the internal affairs of the diocese itself; some of the decisions were included in the decisions of the Local Council. The number of issues raised at the Congress exceeds two dozen and relates to the most diverse spheres of church-state and church-social relations, as well as to the internal transformations of the Church itself, at the same time embodying the general tendency towards Her renewal and being a consequence of these changes. But among them the most important, in the opinion of the Congress delegates, were the questions about the attitude to the political events taking place in the country and about the gradual reform of church organization, from the parish level to the level of the Local Russian Church.


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