scholarly journals Reformed missionary work at Richmond (KZN): A historical analysis of its Dutch roots

2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Wielenga

In this article the Dutch roots of Reformed missionary work, based at Richmond (KZN) since 1960 are analysed. The following three aspects were investigated: the church-historical background of Dutch missionary work in KwaZulu-Natal; the political context within which the work was undertaken, the relationship between the Gereformeerde Kerke in Suid-Afrika (GKSA) and the Dutch churches that sent missionaries to KwaZulu-Natal, the Netherlands Reformed Churches (Nederlands Gereformeerde Kerken). The investigation undertaken in this article attempts to contribute to a deeper understanding of the sometimes uneasy relationship between the GKSA and one of her missionary partners from abroad.

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-314
Author(s):  
Agus Setiawan

Abstract This article describes the historical background of the passing of the Dutch Indies Mining Act of or the Indische Mijnwet, the factors that led to the passing of the Act, and the obstacles and the responses of some parties to the act. Various factors that influenced the passing of the act were not separated from the changes within the political situation in The Netherlands and in the archipelago itself regarding the relationship between the Dutch and other powers, such as the British and local authorities, as well as the expansion of markets and production that were carried out by American oil companies in Asia. The American oil companies’ efforts to set foot in the Dutch Indies were a threat to the dominance of the oil companies in the Dutch Indies, and the Dutch Indies Mining Act was one legal obstacle for the existence and expansion of American oil companies that sought to dominate oil exploration in the Dutch Indies.---Abstraksi Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang latarbelakang sejarah pemberlakuan Undang-Undang Pertambangan Hindia Belanda Indische Mijnwet, yaitu faktor-faktor penyebab, dan hambatan-hambatan serta respon dari beberapa kelompok terhadap adanya Undang-Undang tersebut. Banyaknya faktor yang mempengaruhi pemberlakuan Undang-Undang tersebut tidak terlepas dari perubahan situasi politik di Belanda dan Indonesia  yang masih memiliki keterkaitan hubungan antara Belanda dan para penguasa lainnya, seperti pemerintah Inggris dan pemerintahan setempat serta adanya eskpansi pasar dan produksi yang dibawa oleh perusahaan minyak Amerika di Asia. Adanya usaha-usaha perusahaan minyak Amerika untuk melebarkan sayap  ke Hindia Belanda menjadi sebuah ancaman terhadap dominasi perusahaan minyak bagi Hindia Belanda sendiri. Dan Undang-Undang Pertambangan Hindia Belanda merupakan salah satu masalah hukum terhadap keberadaan dan ekpansi perusahaan minyak Amerika yang akan mengeksplorasi minyak di Hindia Belanda.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Leon van den Broeke

Abstract The Reformed Church in America is wrestling with an interesting question in ecclesiology and church order: is there a place within the church for so-called non-geographic classes. Non-geographic classes are classes which are not formed around a geographic regional principal, but by agreement in theological perspective or a peculiar way that a congregation is shaped. The question central to this article is then: is there a place in Reformed churches for non-geographical classes? In answering this question, the following will be considered: a similar proposal from the Gereformeerde Bond in the Netherlands Reformed Church in 1998; the geographic-regional principle; the Walloon Classis; the Classis of Holland; the Reformed Church in America; Flying, diocesan and titular bishops and finally a conclusion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fauzan Rosli ◽  
Ermy Azziaty Rozali

After the conquest of Egypt in 1517M, the relationship between the Ottoman and the northeast African Muslim community was served. On 1555M, the eyalet of Habesha was established in order to protect the Two Holy Cities of Muslims and the Muslim community in Red Sea shores particulary the northeast Africa. Apart from that, the establishment of the Habesha eyalet was to secure the political and trade route for the Ottoman on that region. Unfortunately, the Ottoman’s initiative were seen as provocations to the Bani Funj, ruler of the Sinnar Sultanate in Nubia which eventually led to centuries of feud between them.The objective of this article is to identify the relationship dynamics between the Ottoman and the Muslim community in northeast Africa, mainly in the regions of Nubia and Ethiopia. This qualitative study is carried out through literature and historical analysis to observe similarities, make comparisons and deduce interpretations of related historical events in that relationship. This study found that, the Ottoman’s relationship throughout the 16th and the 18th centuries, changes allies and foes constantly between the Sinnar Sultanate as well as the Ethiopian kingdoms. Meanwhile, even after the collapse of the Adal Sultanate’s holy war, the Ottoman’s commitment on the destiny of Ethiopian Muslim remained unchanged.   Keywords: Ottoman, Muslim community, Sinnar Sultanate, Ethiopia   Setelah menguasai Mesir pada 1517M, hubungan antara ‘Uthmaniyyah dan komuniti Muslim timur laut Afrika mula terjalin. Pada 1555M, eyalet Habesha telah diasaskan untuk melindungi Dua Kota Suci umat Islam serta komuniti Muslim di persisiran pantai Laut Merah terutamanya di timur laut Afrika. Selain itu, penubuhan eyalet Habesha juga bertujuan mengukuhkan kedudukan politik dan penguasaan perdagangan ‘Uthmaniyyah ke atas rantau tersebut. Walau bagaimanapun, tindakan ‘Uthmaniyyah itu dilihat sebagai sebuah provokasi kepada Bani Funj yang menguasai kesultanan Sinnar di Nubia. Keadaan ini telah membawa kepada perseteruan lebih daripada dua abad. Objektif artikel ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti hubungan dinamik ‘Uthmaniyyah dengan komuniti Muslim di timur laut Afrika terutama di dua wilayah utama iaitu Nubia dan Ethiopia. Kajian kualitatif ini dijalankan melalui kaedah kepustakaan dan analisa sejarah bagi melihat persamaan, membuat perbandingan serta menghasilkan interpretasi terhadap peristiwa-peristiwa sejarah yang terkait dalam hubungan tersebut. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa sepanjang abad ke-16M hingga ke-18M, hubungan antara ‘Uthmaniyyah dan kesultanan Sinnar serta kerajaan Ethiopia menjadikan status lawan dan kawan sering kali berubah. Manakala, komitmen ‘Uthmaniyyah terhadap nasib Muslim Ethiopia tidak berubah walaupun setelah kekalahan gerakan jihad kesultanan ‘Adal.   Kata kunci: Uthmaniyyah, Komuniti Muslim, Kesultanan Sinnar, Ethiopia


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Piet J. Strauss

Church and state authorithy: The Confessio Belgica and three church orders. In reformed churches the Bible is regarded as the norm of the norms. The confessions of faith of these churches are the second norm and subjected to the Bible. The church order is less powerful than the Bible and the confessions but of a higher status than the normal decisions of church assemblies. Therefore, the influence of the Belgic Confession on three church orders is an important issue in these churches.The author recommends four principles to understand the relation between the church and the state authority in article 36 of the Belgic Confession: both should honour God in their activities; both are guided by the Ten Commandments; both have their own internal law to fulfil the purpose as an institution; and both should respect and co-operate with one another. Although they are not in agreement on every aspect, these principles give the guidance to understand the main issue in all four documents which are investigated. The theme of this article is of a theological and church historical nature and a contribution on a well-discussed topic in reformed churches.Contribution: It should be important for the reformed churches in the Dutch tradition that a dynamic relationship exists between their confessions of faith and their church orders. While the Bible is the first and most important norm for church life, the confessions are the second most important. Church history shows that the relationship between the church and state is of utmost importance for the church, the quality of the confessions and the order of the church.


2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maureen Whitebrook

The place of compassion in political thought and practice is debatable. This debate can be clarified by stipulating ‘compassion’ as referring to the practice of acting on the feeling of ‘pity’; in addition, compassion might best be understood politically speaking as properly exercised towards vulnerability rather than suffering. Working with these understandings, I contrast Martha Nussbaum's account of the criteria for the exercise of compassion in modern democracies with the treatment of compassion in Toni Morrison's novels in order to suggest how compassion can be viewed politically. In respect of distributive justice and public policy, in both cases compassion might modify the strict application of principles in the light of knowledge of particulars, suggesting an enlarged role for discretion in the implementation of social justice. More generally, compassion's focus on particulars and the interpersonal draws attention to the importance of imagination and judgement. The latter returns a consideration of compassion to the question of the relationship of compassion to justice. In the political context, although strict criteria for compassion are inappropriate, principles of justice might work as modifying compassion (rather than vice-versa, as might be expected).


2005 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
W.A. Dreyer

The new political dispensation since 1994 requires the Reformed churches in South Africa to redefine their role in society and their relationship with the government. This short journey through history helps us to understand the complexity of the relationship between the Church and the government. This article focuses on the concepts formulated by the Reformers in the 16th century, presenting the view that the revolutionary and radical way in which the Reformed concepts changed society and the government is still relevant to South Africa and opens up meaningful dialogue.


Author(s):  
Duncan Kelly

This chapter reconstructs the intellectual-historical background to Carl Schmitt’s well-known analysis of the problem of dictatorship and the powers of the Reichspräsident under the Weimar Constitution. The analysis focuses both on Schmitt’s wartime propaganda work, concerning a distinction between the state of siege and dictatorship, as well as on his more general analysis of modern German liberalism. It demonstrates why Schmitt attempted to produce a critical history of the history of modern political thought with the concept of dictatorship at its heart and how he came to distinguish between commissarial and sovereign forms of dictatorship to attack liberalism and liberal democracy. The chapter also focuses on the conceptual reworking of the relationship between legitimacy and dictatorship that Schmitt produced by interweaving the political thought of the Abbé Sieyès and the French Revolution into his basic rejection of contemporary liberal and socialist forms of politics.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Maarse ◽  
Aggie Paulus

AbstractThis article comments on Schut and van de Ven's overview of the results of purchaser competition in Dutch health care, which concludes that the glass can be seen as half full or half empty. Although it is true that results have been achieved, we believe that the evidence is incomplete and in some respects flimsy. More importantly, however, Schut and van de Ven neglect the political context of the market reform introduced in 2006. The reform is far from finished and there has been a constant need for political compromise. Optimism about the market's potential also seems to be on the wane. Several insurer and provider initiatives have provoked political resistance. As a result, there are good reasons to argue that the reform's future is uncertain.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-139
Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu

The increasingly voluminous literature on nationalism and archaeology published in recent years is providing archaeologists with a firm basis to self-analyse the connection of their endeavours to the socio-political context of which they are imbued. Yet, the work undertaken is not beyond criticism, as the authors make clear in their introduction. Most studies, including this one, approach the topic adopting a historiographical perspective. Yet, trying to summarise two hundred years of politics and archaeology in a few thousand words is not an easy task. It makes it necessary to simplify usually very complex processes into seemingly neat sequences of events. In addition, writing for an archaeological audience does not make things easier. Most archaeologists have an understandable lack of knowledge on the complexities of the political aspect of the argument, a problem aggravated in the case of discussions of countries other than the one most of the readers are more familiar with. A detailed analysis of the intricate political context is simply unattainable and although references to other analytical works are often provided, it is difficult for authors to avoid giving the impression of adopting an objectifying position and a positivistic approach. Despite Hamilakis and Yalouri's awareness of this problem (p.115), on occasion their account falls precisely into the latter category (especially in the section ‘Imagining the nation in modern Greece’). As someone who has often been faced with this problem in my various publications on the relationship between archaeology and nationalism in Spain, I am still convinced of the validity of offering general overviews, despite the risks entailed. It is only after producing an intelligible outline, as they in fact have done, that it is possible to undertake a deeper and more sophisticated analysis of more concrete issues related to the connection between archaeology and nationalism.


Politics ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anja van Heelsum

In this article, the political participation of Turkish, Surinamese and Moroccan immigrants in four cities in the Netherlands is related to the civic community of these groups. The usefulness of Robert Putnam's civic community perspective is tested for the immigrant communities in Dutch cities in the Netherlands. The relationship between the networks in the migrant communities and political participation found in earlier research can partly explain the differences between the ethnic groups and between the cities, but some additional explanatory factors are suggested.


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