scholarly journals Revendo mais de 70 anos em menos de 7 meses: a tramitação da reforma trabalhista do governo Temer

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 545-568
Author(s):  
Roberto Di Benedetto

Resumo: A reforma trabalhista do Governo Temer, aprovada no primeiro semestre de 2017, no meio de uma grave crise política e econômica, modificou profundamente o direito do trabalho, o Poder Judiciário e a estrutura sindical. A rápida tramitação da reforma, sua extensão e a ausência de um debate público dificultaram a análise dos seus impactos. Neste estudo de caso teve-se por objetivo analisar a tramitação da reforma trabalhista no Congresso e os principais argumentos utilizados pelos deputados e senadores que discutiram a proposta. Com isso, espera-se contribuir com a discussão das normas aprovadas e com a análise de suas consequências no mercado de trabalho, no Poder Judiciário e na estrutura sindical.Palavras-chave: Reforma trabalhista. Justiça do trabalho. Estrutura sindical. Abstract: The Temer government’s labor reform, approved in the first half of 2017, in the middle of a serious political and economic crisis, changed labor law, the Judiciary, and the trade union structure. The fast reform process, its extension, and the absence of public debate made difficult to analyze its impacts. This leading case aimed to examine the process of labor reform in Congress and the main arguments used by the deputies and senators who discussed the proposal. With this, it is hoped to contribute to the discussion of the approved norms and the analysis of their consequences in the labor market, in the Judiciary and in the union structure.Keywords: Labor reform. Labor courts. Trade unions.

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 545-568
Author(s):  
Roberto Di Benedetto

Resumo: A reforma trabalhista do Governo Temer, aprovada no primeiro semestre de 2017, no meio de uma grave crise política e econômica, modificou profundamente o direito do trabalho, o Poder Judiciário e a estrutura sindical. A rápida tramitação da reforma, sua extensão e a ausência de um debate público dificultaram a análise dos seus impactos. Neste estudo de caso teve-se por objetivo analisar a tramitação da reforma trabalhista no Congresso e os principais argumentos utilizados pelos deputados e senadores que discutiram a proposta. Com isso, espera-se contribuir com a discussão das normas aprovadas e com a análise de suas consequências no mercado de trabalho, no Poder Judiciário e na estrutura sindical.Palavras-chave: Reforma trabalhista. Justiça do trabalho. Estrutura sindical. Abstract: The Temer government’s labor reform, approved in the first half of 2017, in the middle of a serious political and economic crisis, changed labor law, the Judiciary, and the trade union structure. The fast reform process, its extension, and the absence of public debate made difficult to analyze its impacts. This leading case aimed to examine the process of labor reform in Congress and the main arguments used by the deputies and senators who discussed the proposal. With this, it is hoped to contribute to the discussion of the approved norms and the analysis of their consequences in the labor market, in the Judiciary and in the union structure.Keywords: Labor reform. Labor courts. Trade unions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-224
Author(s):  
Raimunda Regina Ferreira Barros ◽  
Paulo Sérgio Weyl Albuquerque Costa

RESUMO:O presente artigo objetiva refletir a reforma trabalhista sob o ângulo da organização sindical, compreendendo-a como um dos pilares do sistema celetista fragilizado pela Lei nº 13.467/17. O legislador enfraqueceu essas organizações mediante a subtração de direitos e as descredenciando como interlocutoras qualificadas. A centralidade deste escrito reside no impacto da reforma sobre as prerrogativas sindicais, entendendo-se que os sindicatos como agentes autônomos e livres são indispensáveis para a plenitude do Estado Democrático de Direito. Realiza-se, de início, uma breve síntese do movimento pela flexibilização do Direito do Trabalho no Brasil; a seguir, situa-se a discussão na proteção das prerrogativas sindicais no plano normativo externo e interno; e, por fim, analisam-se as alterações da reforma tendentes a mitigar as prerrogativas dos sindicatos profissionais.ABSTRACT:The present article aims to reflect the labor reform from the point of view of union organization, understanding it as one of the pillars of the labor legal system that was weakened by Law 13467/17. The legislator weakened these organizations by subtracting rights and disqualifying them as competent interlocutors. The centrality of this paper lies in the impact of the reform on trade union prerogatives, considering that unions, as autonomous and free agents, are an indispensable factor for the fullness of the Democratic Rule of Law. A brief summary of the movement for the relaxation of labor law in Brazil is held at the outset; the following is the discussion on the protection of trade union prerogatives at the external and internal normative level; and, finally, the amendments to the reform to mitigate the prerogatives of trade unions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (XIX) ◽  
pp. 371-382
Author(s):  
Łukasz Łaguna

On 1 January 2019, the amendment to the Trade Unions Act enters into force. It introduces a kind of revolution in the current system of employment law. The law extends the law of the trade union coalition, creating and joining union organizations for non-employees.Article 1 establishes a normative category of persons who perform paid work, including employees and persons providing work for remuneration on a basis other than the employment relationship. Thus, the legislator extends the statutory right of the trade union to persons who are not considered employees. In relation to the above, in the context of analyzing this legal act, it is not justified to use the traditional “labor law” as a too narrow term for the needs of new regulations. The term “employment law” appears in the latest publications of the doctrine as a broader term than the above. Finally, it should be noted that the effect of changes may be that people who work on a different basis than an employment contract and who have a number of the same rights as those working on a contract of employment may stop trying to conclude such a contract. And this will have a negative effect on the whole society, for example due to the lack of the possibility to enforce labor law functions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (183) ◽  
pp. 317-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

France is in motion! In spring 2016, a huge movement against the French labor law reform formed and is since then protesting in the streets and squares all over France. The article examines these struggles and asks, why the movement is currently on the rise. It discusses the struggles in relation to the general crisis dynamics and focuses on the protests of trade unions and civil society (Nuit Debout). Furthermore, the labor law reform of the Valls-Government is being illustrated in the context of the recent French labor market policy and its continuities.


Author(s):  
Ilario Alvino

- The Author reviews the new French Law n. 2008-789, which introduces new considerable elements concerning the representativity of trade unions, the conditions of a regular collective bargaining, the establishment of specific structures of workers' representatives at the work place. On the one hand, the Author takes into consideration the differences between the Italian legal system and the French one, on the other hand, the reform process that brought into the introduction of new rules.Key words: France; Trade Union; Representativity; Collective bargaining; Freedom of association; Social dialogue.Parole chiave: Francia; sindacato; rappresentativitŕ; contratto collettivo; libertŕ sindacale; dialogo sociale.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner Schmidt ◽  
Andrea Müller ◽  
Irene Ramos-Vielba ◽  
Annette Thörnquist ◽  
Christer Thörnqvist

We use a power resources approach to examine the effects of the 2008–2009 financial and economic crisis on public sector trade union power in Germany, Spain, Sweden and the UK, comparing structural, organizational, institutional, societal and political power resources before and after the crisis. Unions’ power resources have (at least temporarily) weakened in Spain, with a similar but less pronounced trend in the UK; whereas in Sweden and Germany, one can detect ambiguous but slightly positive signals, which reflect neither the crisis nor opposition to austerity. As well as structural, organizational and institutional power resources, societal and political resources are decisive for public sector trade unions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tobias Wiß

Pension reforms and the changing public/private pension mix of the last decades are well documented. However, a more detailed look at the design of occupational pensions reveals remarkable differences even in countries that are usually treated as similar in the literature. Germany and Austria share many similarities and are having to cope with similar reform pressure. However, the design of occupational pensions varies substantially. Why? In Germany, trade unions are regularly involved in occupational pension schemes and benefits are calculated on the basis of defined contributions (DC), but with minimum return guarantees preventing losses in times of financial turmoil. By contrast, trade unions rarely participate in Austrian occupational schemes. In Austria, pure DC schemes without guarantees resulted in heavy occupational pension cuts during the recent financial market crises. Following the method of difference, the article explains this difference by trade union structure, unions’ strategic thinking and (lacking) reform threats supported by employers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (57) ◽  
pp. 520
Author(s):  
Fábio Túlio BARROSO

RESUMOObjetivo: O objetivo da pesquisa e  analisar os limites da ampliação da negociação coletiva no âmbito do Direito do Trabalho brasileiro em decorrência da edição dos arts. 611-A e 611-B da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, advindas da Lei nº. 13.467/2017, em especial sobre quais seriam os limites da autonomia negocial coletiva, sem olvidar-se da análise do papel do sindicato em face desse alargamento na negociação de direitos indisponíveis.Metodologia: Utilizou-se os métodos lógico e dedutivo, por meio de legislação trabalhista e constituional, além da revisão de literatura sobre a matéria.Resultados: Os resultados demonstram que houve uma ampliação da autonomia negocial atribuída aos sindicatos, na medida em que conferem prevalência do negociado sobre o legislado e um alargamento da negociação coletiva entre as empresas e os empregados. Por outro acepção, conclui-se que a reforma trabalhista no aspecto negocial proporcionou risco de possíveis reduções de direitos e garantias fundamentais.Contribuições:  A contribuição deste estudo refere-se à discussão de que os  sindicatos não podem negociar direitos tradicionalmente indisponíveis.Traçou-se um paralelo a respeito de como se desenvolvia a negociação sindical antes e após a edição dos arts. 611-A e 611-B da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, introduzidos pela Lei nº. 13.467/2017, para, ao fim, após a análise de todo o complexo de normas, a principiologia do Direito do Trabalho e a doutrina especializada.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Reforma trabalhista; direitos indisponíveis, flexibilização.  ABSTRACTObjective: To analyze the limits of the expansion of collective bargaining in the scope of Brazilian Labor Law due to the edition of arts. 611-A and 611-B of the Consolidation of Labor Laws, arising from Law no. 13,467/2017, in particular about what would be the limits of collective bargaining autonomy, without forgetting the analysis of the union's role in view of this enlargememt in the negotiation of unavailable rights.Methodology: The logical and deductive methods were used through labor and constitutional legislation, as well as a literature review on the subject.Results: The results show that there was an increase in the negotiating autonomy attributed to the unions, as they confer prevalence of the “negotiated over the legislated” and an expansion of collective bargaining between companies and employees. On the other hand, it can be concluded that the labor reform in the negotiation aspect posed the risk of possible reductions in rights and fundamental guarantees.Contributions: The contribution of this study refers to the discussion that unions cannot negotiate traditionally unavailable rights. A parallel was drawn about how trade union negotiations developed before and after the publication of arts. 611-A and 611-B of the Consolidation of Labor Laws introduced by Law no. 13,467/2017  after the analysis of the whole complex of norms, the principles of Labor Law and the specialized doctrine.KEYWORDS: Labor reform; unavailable rights, relaxation.


1976 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-116
Author(s):  
Howard L. Malchow

That the state might owe its poor and unemployed a helping hand to emigrate to wherever there were jobs found common enough expression in the first half of the nineteenth century. In the 1820s and 1830s there were the conflicting schemes of Wilmot-Horton and E. G. Wakefield. Carlyle advocated in 1843 a state emigration service to provide a bridge to the colonies, and Irish troubles periodically provided a source of speculation about the usefulness of state emigration as a solution to agricultural distress. For Tories it could be a conservative measure to diminish at a stroke economic distress and the social disruption it bred, while some Liberals viewed it as a necessary rationalization of the labor market and supported it in the same spirit, and with the same arguments, as the Cheap Trains Act. Organized labor itself had had recourse on occasion to the emigration of members both as a restrictive guild practice and a militant trade dispute tactic.The extent to which trade unions continued to favor emigration benefits after mid-century has been a subject of some dispute. There is also the question of trade union attitudes toward schemes of state emigration — distrusted by many in the early Victorian period as transportation of the poor. It is the purpose of this paper to demonstrate a strong continued interest in an emigration solution by many trade unions well into the 1880s, and that after mid-century much of organized labor turned from emphasis on emigration benefits provided by the union to acceptance of and agitation for a state program of emigration assistance funded by the national exchequer.


Author(s):  
Aleksandar Antić ◽  

Author in the paper analyze the position of representative trade unions and trade union representatives in the Republic of Serbia. The largest percentage of employees in the Republic of Serbia exercises their collective rights through trade unions. There is a difference between representative unions and those that are not. In addition to the provisions of the Labor Law, the position of trade union representatives in the Republic of Serbia is additionally regulated by collective agreements. They enjoy an increased level of protection, because they come into conflict with the employer when performing the union function. In the paper, the author points out certain open issues related to the regulation of the position of trade unions and trade union representatives and makes proposals for their solution.


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