Trade Unions and Emigration in Late Victorian England: A National Lobby for State Aid

1976 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-116
Author(s):  
Howard L. Malchow

That the state might owe its poor and unemployed a helping hand to emigrate to wherever there were jobs found common enough expression in the first half of the nineteenth century. In the 1820s and 1830s there were the conflicting schemes of Wilmot-Horton and E. G. Wakefield. Carlyle advocated in 1843 a state emigration service to provide a bridge to the colonies, and Irish troubles periodically provided a source of speculation about the usefulness of state emigration as a solution to agricultural distress. For Tories it could be a conservative measure to diminish at a stroke economic distress and the social disruption it bred, while some Liberals viewed it as a necessary rationalization of the labor market and supported it in the same spirit, and with the same arguments, as the Cheap Trains Act. Organized labor itself had had recourse on occasion to the emigration of members both as a restrictive guild practice and a militant trade dispute tactic.The extent to which trade unions continued to favor emigration benefits after mid-century has been a subject of some dispute. There is also the question of trade union attitudes toward schemes of state emigration — distrusted by many in the early Victorian period as transportation of the poor. It is the purpose of this paper to demonstrate a strong continued interest in an emigration solution by many trade unions well into the 1880s, and that after mid-century much of organized labor turned from emphasis on emigration benefits provided by the union to acceptance of and agitation for a state program of emigration assistance funded by the national exchequer.

2010 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Alan Knight

AbstractThis article examines Frank Tannenbaum's engagement with Mexico in the crucial years following the Revolution of 1910–1920 and his first visit to the country in 1922. Invited—and feted—by the government and its powerful labor allies, Tannenbaum soon expanded his initial interest in organized labor and produced a stream of work dealing with trade unions, peasants, Indians, politics, and education—work that described and often justified the social program of the Revolution, and that, rather surprisingly, continued long after the Revolution had lost its radical credentials in the 1940s. Tannenbaum's vision of Mexico was culturalist, even essentialist; more Veblenian than Marxist; at times downright folkloric. But he also captured important aspects of the process he witnessed: local and regional variations, the unquantifiable socio-psychological consequences of revolution, and the prevailing concern for order and stability. In sum, Tannenbaum helped establish the orthodox—agrarian, patriotic, and populist—vision of the Revolution for which he has been roundly, if sometimes excessively, criticized by recent “revisionist” historians; yet his culturalist approach, with its lapses into essentialism, oddly prefigures the “new cultural history” that many of these same historians espouse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Iwona Sierocka

The subject of the deliberations are issues regarding the representativeness and size of workplace trade union organisations after the changes introduced in the Trade Unions Act in 2018. According to the obligatory provisions, the “representativeness” of a trade union organisation is traditionally conditional on its size, but not only the employees, but also other categories of the employed are taken into account. It is, inter alia, about persons providing work under a contract of mandate or a specific work contract and sole proprietors. By expanding the full rights of coalition onto persons performing work on the basis other than employment relationship, the legislator increased the percentage limits decisive in the matter of representativeness. At present, the representative trade union organisation above the workplace level is also an organisation uniting at least 15% of all people performing gainful work under the articles of association, not fewer, however, than 10,000 persons performing gainful work. It works similarly at the workplace level. With reference to workplace trade union organisations which belong to organisations above the workplace level which meet the criteria for representativeness as specified in the Social Dialogue Council Act, at least 8% of the staff of the given employer is required. In the case of workplace trade union organisations which do not participate in such structures, the representativeness is conditional on uniting of at least 15% of persons performing gainful work for the given employer (7% and 10%, respectively, were required earlier). Determining the number of the staff, the employees and persons providing gainful work under other bases being employed for at least 6 months before the commencement of negotiations or arrangements must be included. A significant novelty is the necessity to select a joint representation of the representative organisations at the workplace level that belong to the same Trade Union Federation or National Trade Union Confederation in matters regarding collective rights and interests of the persons performing gainful work.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Disraeli

Sybil, or The Two Nations is one of the finest novels to depict the social problems of class-ridden Victorian England. The book's publication in 1845 created a sensation, for its immediacy and readability brought the plight of the working classes sharply to the attention of the reading public. The ‘two nations’ of the alternative title are the rich and poor, so disparate in their opportunities and living conditions, and so hostile to each other. that they seem almost to belong to different countries. The gulf between them is given a poignant focus by the central romantic plot concerning the love of Charles Egremont, a member of the landlord class, for Sybil, the poor daughter of a militant Chartist leader.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-545
Author(s):  
Ivan Couttenier

In 1996, Belgian politics centered around three major issues: the jobs contract, the 1997 budget and political fallout of the Dutroux affair (the four girls killed by a pedophile ring).During the first months of the year, Prime Minister Dehaene attempted to win support for a comprehensive jobs contract, but the draft agreement was turned down by the Socialist trade union militants. Nevertheless, the measures contained in the agreement were later implemented by the cabinet, without the consent of the employers and organized labor. Together with adjustments made to the social security system and implementation of budgetary measures needed to reach the conditions set by the EU for joining the Economic and Monetary Union, the jobs contract was implemented by means of special powers. The cabinet obtained these special powers from Parliament before the summer recess.  After the summer, as a result ofthe Dutroux alfair, the cabinet dealt with legal reform, in the process trying to quell tensions arisen among the law enforcement agencies.


Author(s):  
Todd M. Endelman

This chapter highlights the German Jewish settlement of the Victorian period as the least known of the various migrations that contributed to its growth. It cites the British Census, which did not distinguish between Christians and Jews while recording the country of origin of persons of foreign birth at a time when there was a substantial German trading colony in England. It also discusses the few numbers of German Jewish immigrants who integrated into English society with relative ease after they broke with their Jewish tradition. The chapter mentions the Jews who were immigrants or descendants of immigrants from Holland, the German states, and Poland, who had escaped the poverty and degrading restrictions that embittered Jewish life in most ancien régime states. It probes the immigration from central Europe in the Victorian period as a reflection of the social and economic transformation of Germany that was under way in the nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

The Introduction presents the main concerns of the book and principal research question: what is the current status of organized labor in Israel and what is its role in the representation of workers following the decline of the Israeli variant of neocorporatism? It then overviews the rise of (Jewish) organized labor in pre-state Mandatory Palestine, its decisive role in the Zionist state-building project, its decline from the late 1970s onwards, and its ostensible resurgence in the new millennium. The Histadrut is introduced as a formerly crucial and extremely powerful political institution, now undermined by policies associated with neoliberalism which also transformed Israel’s labor market and employment norms. The chapter ends by outlining the book’s contribution to existing scholarship of trade unions and labor in Israel.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stéphane Le Queux

This article considers the extent to which the anti-globalisation movement might contribute to a revival of labour politics. The starting point is an awareness that the trade unions and the anti-globalists do not necessarily see eye to eye so that any assumption that they can readily join forces becomes problematical. Four fault lines are identified in relation to key areas of concern: i) political alternatives; ii) participatory democracy; iii) organic cohesion and inclusion; and iv) the renewal of activism. The article focuses on the case of France - regarded as something of an archetype of social movement unionism - and on its interface with the ETUC in the process of European integration. It is pointed out that while - in the view of the author - the anti-globalisation movement does indeed offer a potential source and impetus for a revitalisation of labour politics, this is no tame option but one requiring a carefully thought out strategy on the part of the trade unions and the social movements. The article concludes, accordingly, on a note of scepticism about the way in which the international trade union bodies have so far approached these issues, stressing the risk that the trade unions could find themselves between a rock and a hard place.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (11) ◽  
pp. 1217-1221
Author(s):  
A. Ya. Pleschitser

The main question is which side the doctor should be on, should he enter into an alliance with the poor and middle peasants of the countryside, with Soviet and public organizations in order to strike a blow at the kulak and his henchmen, or should he choose a different path? The resolution of this issue depends on the ideology of the doctor, his political attitude; both are determined by many factors, of which there are some of the main ones that determine its political and public face. This will be the social origin of the doctor and his attitude to the soviet power, to the conquests of the October Revolution. Only a complete assimilation of the tasks put forward by the October Revolution and the measures carried out by the party, trade unions and the soviet government will enable every doctor to be in the vanguard, at the forefront of the workers 'and peasants' front of the builders of socialism in the countryside. To do this, it is necessary to clearly understand the party's policy in the countryside.


1989 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 454-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila Collins ◽  
Miriam Balmuth ◽  
Priscilla Jean

Sheila Collins, Miriam Balmuth, and Priscilla Jean discuss a pioneering program in workplace literacy begun in 1988 by two cooperating trade union organizations in New York City. In this initiative, the unions were responding to the changing needs of their members in today's shifting labor market, which has made traditional literacy programs irrelevant to improving the lives of most of today's workers. The authors discuss new conceptions of literacy that inform this initiative; in particular, the shift in focus from "worker literacy"to "workplace literacy." They present four case studies of specific programs various trade unions have developed based on their members' particular needs and workplace settings. These programs illustrate principles of workplace literacy aimed at providing adult workers with the kind of education they need to advance in their jobs and to take greater control over their lives at work and in their communities.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document