scholarly journals POLITICAL VIEW AND ORIENTATION OF THE ROHIS MEMBERS TOWARD THE FORM OF THE STATE

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
A.M Wibowo

This study aims at describing the model of religious value transmission communication that occurs in Rohis organization as a form of Islamic proselytizing, at viewing the students’ view toward the form of the state government, and at viewing the political orientation of the Rohis members. By using the qualitative approach, this study has successfully gathered the following findings. First, the model of religious value transmission through the Rohis organization is the one way traffic communication. This transmission process involves communicators namely the mentor, the Rohis coaching teachers, da’i/mubaligh from values mass organization background (political parties and non-government organizations), and alumni. The internalization of such religious attitude has been conducted both verbally and non-verbally using the social media (WhatsApp, Instagram, Twitter, and Line). Second, the Rohis members had peculiar political view and orientation in relation to the leader and the form of the state. In relation to the leader, the Rohis members will vote for the male and Islamic leader. Then, in relation to the form of the state there are two groups among the Rohis members. One group demands the Unified State of Indonesian Republic (NKRI, Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia), while the other group demands the Islamic state. However, the supporters of the unified republic are quite bigger than those of Islamic state.

Philosophy ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 58 (224) ◽  
pp. 215-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. L. Clark

Philosophers of earlier ages have usually spent time in considering thenature of marital, and in general familial, duty. Paley devotes an entire book to those ‘relative duties which result from the constitution of the sexes’,1 a book notable on the one hand for its humanity and on the other for Paley‘s strange refusal to acknowledge that the evils for which he condemns any breach of pure monogamy are in large part the result of the fact that such breaches are generally condemned. In a society where an unmarried mother is ruined no decent male should put a woman in such danger: but why precisely should social feeling be so severe? Marriage, the monogamist would say, must be defended at all costs, for it is a centrally important institution of our society. Political community was, in the past, understood as emerging from or imposed upon families, or similar associations. The struggle to establish the state was a struggle against families, clans and clubs; the state, once established, rested upon the social institutions to which it gave legal backing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-604
Author(s):  
Roman A. Romashov ◽  
Vladislav Yu. Panchenko ◽  
Ilyas A. Ermolaev ◽  
Larisa A. Petruchak

Introduction: being a structural and functional element of the state mechanism (a kind of “state within the state”), the prison system is transforming along with it. Accordingly, the image status of the prison itself and representatives of “prison authorities” and “prison population” is also changing. We bring to the fore the problem of understanding the term “system” in the context of the image status of the social system in general and the penal system in particular. We highlight the formation of semantic images and image statuses on the example of three social institutions (school, army, prison), which are similar in terms of parametric characteristics and functioning and qualitatively different in image status. The article comprehensively examines the bipolar image of the penal system: on the one hand, prison is inextricably linked with human misfortune, an evil that cannot be treated positively; on the other hand, as an instrument of state law enforcement policy, the prison guarantees the inevitability of punishment for a crime, ensuring the execution of punishment, protecting law-abiding citizens, which is a good thing for society and the state. Research materials and methods: the features of formation and functioning of the image status of the Russian penal (“prison”) system are considered in the context of the concept of cyclic political genesis. In accordance with this concept, in relation to the history of the unified Russian state, three cycles should be distinguished (imperial, Soviet, post-Soviet). Within the framework of each, Russia was represented by qualitatively different forms of state government, economic order, social structure, etc. At the same time, in such “different” Russian states, there were different models of prison systems, the formation and functioning of which, as well as the transformation of the image status, was carried out under the influence of state prison policy and under the influence of public consciousness (national mentality). Results: the current state of the Russian penal system can be described as transitional. Along with the legacy of the “Soviet past”, we observe serious changes proceeding from democratization and humanization of the political and legal system of the Russian Federation. Transformation of the image of the penal system is aimed at increasing the level of openness and forming a positive opinion about the functioning of the penitentiary system (the Concept for development until 2030). It is important that in the public consciousness the image of the penal system as a predominantly punitive prison system gradually be replaced by the idea of it as a penitentiary system, which is concerned primarily with “revival of the essence of humanity” in a person through awareness and repentance. As for the image status of employees of the penal system, the state can optimize it first of all by equalizing their official status with that of military personnel and special services employees, who, like representatives of the prison system, serve the Russian state, but are in a privileged position in relation to them. Increasing the prestige of the service in the penal system in the eyes of actual or potential employees implies the rejection of such differentiation.


Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shedyakov ◽  

Optimizing transformations during the transition period requires the use of the entire multilateral system of mechanisms to protect national interests. The state occupies an essential place, in particular, the establishment of forms of public-private partnership in coordinating diverse initiatives and creative searches. At the same time, on the one hand, the independence and security of development force them to predominantly rely on their own forces. On the other hand, the refusal to unify the social structure (in particular, statehood) makes it easier to increase efficiency, flexibility and adaptability while maintaining loyalty to national foundations and traditions. The two most noticeable trends in the transformation of the state structure are the strengthening of totalitarian-corporate characteristics or features of democracy. Accordingly, the depersonalization of responsibility – or its embodiment in specific leaders is realizing. At the same time, as you know, selection and promotion in the corporate sector has nothing to do with democracy. And the processes of pathologizing political and economic life may imply a departure from general, direct, secret and equal elections to senior government positions, and include broad manipulative capabilities of the media sphere.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-105
Author(s):  
Samer Abboud

Safi’s text interrogates the potential of Islamic reform movements to articulatea democratic and pluralistic politics throughout the Middle East and thebroader Islamic world. He begins by arguing that these reform movementsexert the greatest influence in determining the direction of sociopoliticalreforms in the Middle East, and, as a result, constitute a core movement fromwhich to understand and interpret the dynamics of the region’s cultural andsociopolitical reality. Furthermore, the author argues that in the contemporaryMiddle Eastern intellectual climate, Islamic reformists represent a synthesisbetween the opposing programs of moralist-Islamists on the one hand,and nationalist-secularists on the other. This synthesis constitutes the mostviable and realistic program for genuine reform and for developing a pluralisticsociety and participatory politics. In support of this thesis, Safi dividesthe text into nine chapters constituting four interrelated parts: “Democratizationand the Islamic State,” “Visions of Reform,” “Islamic Law and HumanRights,” and “Islam in a Global Cultural Order.”The first part poses the question of whether democracy and pluralism canflourish in a society in which Islamic law commands the majority’s allegiance.His answer is cautiously affirmative, as it depends on the rejuvenationof cultural and legal reforms grounded in a historical Muslim experience that offers the tools to transcend current political and cultural institutions.As such, both the secular state and Islamist movements preclude such arenewal: the former because its structures negate the possibility of pluralisticpolitics, and the latter because its merging of state structures with the communalstructure of the historical Shari`ah contradicts the nature of the Islamicpolity as established by the Prophet.These restrictions can be overcome through grounding the state in twopillars. First, this means severing the link between the state and the ummah,a separation necessary to ensure that the state and its institutions are nothijacked by particularistic interests or erected as obstructions to the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual and conceptual development. Such an Islamic state,which privileges the marshalling of state resources toward the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual goals, also has, as its second pillar, the concept of consensus(ijma` ). Classical jurists viewed this concept as the fundamentalprinciple that confers legitimacy upon the state. Therefore, the state gainsits legitimacy insofar as it reflects the ummah’s will ...


2021 ◽  
pp. 59-84
Author(s):  
Jean-Michel Johnston

This chapter highlights the collaboration between individuals in state institutions and the private sector during the 1840s in Bremen, Bavaria, Prussia, and Austria. Earlier expectations for the potential of telegraphy were confronted with the sobering reality of technological development. On the one hand, the efforts of the state, scientists, and railway companies were supported by the increasingly free circulation of technical knowledge between institutions, experts, and private citizens scattered across the German ‘landscape of innovation’. This circulation is illustrated by an examination of various technical periodicals, while the example of Werner Siemens, a Prussian lieutenant posted in Berlin, is used to illustrate the social connections which also often supported these exchanges of information. On the other hand, the period also witnessed an accentuation of the tensions between and within the private sector and the state, as the latter sought to establish its own interest in obtaining the technology. This combination of necessary collaboration and disagreement caused frustrations which, by 1847, threatened to stall the process of development.


PRANATA HUKUM ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-52
Author(s):  
Tubagus Muhammad Nasarudin

The rule of law in the perspective of Pancasila which can be termed the law state of Indonesia or the rule of law state of Pancasila besides having the same elements as the rule of law in the rechtstaat and rule of law, also has specific elements that make the Indonesian law state different from the concept of the state generally known law. The difference locates in the values contained in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution which contain Pancasila with the principles of the Belief in the one and only God and the absence of separation between the state and religion, the principle of deliberation in the implementation of state government power, the principle of social justice, kinship and mutual cooperation, as well as laws that serve the integrity of the unitary state of Indonesia. The Pancasila Law State concept is characterized by: (1) Close relations between religion and state (2) Stand on the one and only God (3) Freedom of religion in a positive sense (4) Atheism is not justified and communism is forbidden and (5) The principle of kinship and harmony. As for the main elements of the Republic of Indonesia Law State are: (1) Pancasila (2) MPR (3) Constitutional system (4) equality and (5) Free trial.


Skhid ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Binyam Mekonnen ADERA

Ethiopia since 1991 G.C has been adopting democracy and federalism as constitutional frameworks of the state. The core objective to maintain the two political cultures is the presence of multiple cultural identities within the state and the actual need for an intersubjective discussion on the public sphere. And one of the major areas of public sphere is the social media. As per the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia citizens of Ethiopia have the democratic rights of Thoughts, Opinion and Expression (Art. 29), so in social media it is natural to expect that individuals talk on the different affairs of the state ‘freely’. Basically the social media is serving as an instrument in maintaining discursive talk among individuals. However, it has been also producing considerable social turmoil across the world. The same is what is encountering in Ethiopia today; on the one hand, social media as a communication platform allows people to communicate effectively with sharing alternative views, attitudes and forming democratic consensus on the social anomalies and responses, and on the other hand, the media is the sphere of communicative maladjustment where misunderstanding, extremism and miscommunication is producing. In the present Ethiopian context the basic source of communication and miscommunication in the social media is the ‘pluriversal identities’ of the cultural horizon. Taking this as a crucial object, this article will discuss the connection between democracy, federalism and social media in the current Ethiopia. On the top of this, the study aims at exploring the following issues: the social media sphere in Ethiopia, the modern and postmodern challenges of social media in Ethiopia and alternatives for the social media reconstruction.


Author(s):  
Peter Dunbar ◽  
Mike Haridopolos

The Modern Republican Party in Florida chronicles the emergence of the modern Republican Party in Florida. It provides the historic political foundation for the modern political era in Florida; it identifies the key elements of Republican Party organizations and structures that became the foundation for the current Republican network; and it contrasts the current political environment to the one-party era of the Democratic Pork Chop Gang. The narrative of the book describes the successes in the state-wide campaigns for governor and for positions on the Florida Cabinet. It provides an overview of the role of both Florida Republicans in national, presidential politics and Floridians serving in the United States House and Senate. It describes the decennial redistricting struggles and other obstacles that Republicans overcame as they became the majority in both Houses of the state Legislature, and it discusses the opportunities for women and minorities that accompanied this Republican emergence. Within the narrative are descriptions of the changes in state government made by Republicans or with their bipartisan cooperation. The book also provides an overview of the Republican influence on the state policies for public education and school choice; criminal justice and prison reform; taxation and business incentives; and consumer protection and environment preservation, including the protection of the Florida Everglades. The book identifies the officeholders, volunteers, and party officials who contributed to, and became part of, the Republican network. It also discusses the ever-changing elements of the Florida political arena, which includes voters with no party affiliation, soft money committees, and independent campaign consultants.


Author(s):  
Zoe Beenstock

This chapter explores Rousseau’s account of the tension between community and individual by examining the Second Discourse and the Social Contract on the one hand, and Julie on the other. In his political theory Rousseau defines the state of nature as a mere fantasy which belongs to an optative imagined past. In leaving the state of nature, people trade basic needs for decadent desires. Rousseau introduces the general will as a practical device for managing the asociability of the private will, which is driven mainly by appetite. To safeguard the general will from its wayward members, individuals must form a social contract which transforms them into sociable beings. In Julie Rousseau explores the sacrifices that individuals make in joining the general will, as Julie is torn between personal desire on the one hand and social conformity on the other. Rousseau’s literature suggests that the two are incompatible and thus ‘judges’ his philosophy, exploring the deathly outcome of contract. Rousseau’s use of literature to critique the social contract constitutes his major legacy to British Romantic writers.


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