scholarly journals La industria española de defensa ante los nuevos conflictos: capacidades a aportar

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-81
Author(s):  
Christian Villanueva
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Third ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Knowing That ◽  
The Us ◽  
Revolution In Military Affairs ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Military Revolution ◽  
Criminal Groups

Conflicts such as Nagorno-Karabakh, the Donbas, Libya, Syria and Yemen have shown that even in such different scenarios, the diffusion of the key advances that were at the heart of the Revolution in Military Affairs is a fact. Moreover, most of these advances are so well established that they are now in daily use not only by many states, but also by their proxies and even by transnational terrorist and criminal groups. This phenomenon is intimately associated with the erosion of US military superiority, a country that is seeing how the People's Republic of China or the Russian Federation, but also North Korea or Iran, are capable of challenging the former superpower. In this scenario, aware of the need to compensate for the advances made by the other players, the US has launched a series of initiatives, such as the Third Offset Strategy, aimed at achieving new technological and arms developments that could lead to a new Revolution in Military Affairs or, perhaps, a full-fledged Military Revolution. In this complex context, in which conflicts fought with inherited means will converge with new weapons, systems and platforms and with the entry into service of developments that we cannot yet imagine, the Spanish defence industry will have to struggle to survive, knowing that its main customer - the Spanish Ministry of Defence - is in a very delicate situation in terms of facing this new stage.

A philosophical critique of Feminism : From the third wave to the fourth wave

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Mohammed Xolile Ntshangase
Keyword(s):  
Hate Speech ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The Other ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
The Third ◽  
Knowing That ◽  
The World ◽  
Good Movement ◽  
Fourth Wave

Feminism has been a good movement with the noble aim of freeing the world from the shackles of an evil superiority of men over women. The principal of feminism as a movement was political equality between men and women. In itself, it was a fair and just course such that it was inclusive of men as well, men were also part of the movement with no insults, threats, and hate speech. But in this technological era some impurities have also crept into it. From the third wave of feminism which is also known as GRRRL feminism which turned the offensive names into jokes and somehow normal to be pronounced in public, things became no longer about equality and respect of humanity. As feminism grew, it became less critical and became more sensitive towards emotions and uncritical amassment of followers. To some extent, being critical about feminism is unacceptable because someone becomes quickly accused of being patriarchal and antifeminism. Indeed, patriarchy is a negative and destructive idea perpetrated by those who were suffering from testosteron-epowersyndrome . But, when some thinkers like Valenti, Arndt, and Harrow have identified the syndrome and implemented some medication to it, others inject the other side with similarly fatal ideas. I call those ideas Oestrgoen-powersyndrome because they make their victims think that with collapse of patriarchy, men should be disgraced and be made to feel not existentially necessary. Symptoms of this syndrome start from no more knowing that hating the other sex is wrong and should not be promoted. Writers like Annapuranny and Jansen even perpetrate non progressive talks like “what’s wrong with hating men”, “the world would be better off without men” and many phrases of such destructive nature. But the issue which this paper seeks to address is that there is no philosopher who has critically tackled this matter. In fact, some African philosophers rather reject the whole feminism movement as non-African. Using analytical framework, this research ventures into critical analysis of this issue of feminist extremism coupled with the silence of African philosophers.

Deploying Jim Crow

2021 ◽  
pp. 297-343
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Home Front ◽  
The Other ◽  
Multiple Forms ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The One

Chapter 8 explores what happened to the US military’s black-white lines as American troops moved overseas. On the one hand, the US military transplanted these lines all around the world. While not identical to those on the home front, they also took multiple forms, involving everything from jobs and dances to courts-martial and minstrel performances. They also stemmed from the military’s paradoxical goals of winning a war for democracy while at the same time protecting white supremacy. On the other hand, fully achieving this latter goal became more difficult overseas because of locals’ warm relations with black Americans, the black-white comradeship of some American GIs, and the activism of black troops. Taken together, these developments chipped away at the black-white divide. At war’s end, Jim Crow in uniform was far from dead, but it lay moderately wounded just the same.

Empire—A World History

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-88
Author(s):  
Peter Fibiger Bang
Keyword(s):  
Bronze Age ◽  
World History ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Us ◽  
Third Millennium Bce ◽  
Four Discourses

This chapter attempts a synthesis of the imperial experience in world history. Setting out from an in-depth comparison of two incidents, one from the US occupation of Iraq, the other from the Jewish uprising against Nero (66–70 CE), cooperation with local elites is identified as the key to imperial government. The chapter proceeds to discuss current definitions of empire, followed by a wide-ranging survey of modern theories of empire. Most of these can be grouped within four discourses that originate in societal debates from the early 1900s: about monopoly, capitalism and empire; about empire as predatory networks of aristocratic elites; about empire and national identity; and about geopolitics and the balance of power. These four theoretical discourses provide the four dimensions of an analytical matrix that, finally, structure an attempt at synthesizing the imperial experience in world history, from the third millennium BCE Levantine Bronze Age until the present.

scholarly journals B-74 Using Rates of Low Scores to Assess Agreement between ANAM4 TBI-MIL and a Traditional Battery of Neuropsychological Tests

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1022-1022
Author(s):  
B Ivins ◽  
J Arrieux ◽  
W Cole ◽  
K Schwab
Keyword(s):  
Traumatic Brain Injury ◽  
Neuropsychological Tests ◽  
Poor Performance ◽  
The Other ◽  
Neurological Assessment ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Valid Data ◽  
Overall Performance ◽  
Assessment Metrics

Abstract Objective The Automated Neurological Assessment Metrics (Version 4) Traumatic Brain Injury Military (ANAM4 TBI-MIL) battery is widely used by the US military to assess cognitive function. We compare intra-individual agreement between ANAM4 TBI-MIL and a battery of traditional neuropsychological tests using rates of low scores. Methods Complete and valid data from 246 healthy soldiers and 177 soldiers ≤7 days from sustaining mild TBI (mTBI) were used in this analysis. All soldiers were consecutively administered ANAM4 TBI-MIL and a traditional test battery consisting of: TOPF, WAIS-IV, CVLT-II, RCFT, DKEFS, and CPT-II. We performed base rate analyses of both batteries to determine the proportions of soldiers who had various numbers of scores that were 1.0+, 1.5+, and 2.0+ standard deviations below the normative mean. We used those rates to place Soldiers into a “low score hierarchy” ranging from the least poor (i.e. ~≥10th %ile) to the worst overall performance (i.e. ~≤10th %ile). We then compared agreement between the batteries at each of those levels. Results More soldiers with mTBI had low scores than healthy soldiers on both batteries. Of the soldiers who performed at the worst level on one battery, 88.1% from ANAM and 100% from traditional had some level of poor performance on the other battery. However, of the soldiers who performed at the worst level on either battery, only 58.3% from ANAM and 50.0% from traditional also performed at the worst level on the other battery. Conclusion These batteries similarly identify poor performance to a degree, though with some potentially meaningful differences still present.

scholarly journals Geopolitical and regional considerations: US, China and, Russia: partners or competitors?

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Political Economic

The article deals with the policy of the United States of America, Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) and the Russian Federation in the Asia-Pacific Region. Leadership ambitions of the countries became evident in political, economic, military, technological and space spheres especially over the last few years. The purpose of the article is to analyze American-Chinese and Russian-Chinese relationships in the Asia-Pacific and identify reasons for their foreign policy course. Both countries, China and the USA are eager to play leader’s part in the regional politics. The relationships between the PRC and the United States significantly deteriorated, especially during D. Trump presidency. The author draws attention to the US policy and its attempts to strengthen its own positions in the region as well as to China’s economic activity reflected in transport projects, for instance – One Belt, One Road initiative, perceived by Washington as a challenge to its leader’s position. Tensions between two countries increased due to aggressive regional policy of China which claimed sovereignty over few small islands in the South China Sea. Beijing and Washington compete for leadership in the sphere of technology where China is ahead of the USA.

scholarly journals Andreas Papandreou’s Exile Politics: The First Phase (1968-1970)

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stan Draenos
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Us ◽  
Initial Evolution ◽  
The One ◽  
The Third World

Andreas Papandreou’s exile politics, following his December 1967 release from Averoff Prison, have stereotypically been seen as simply adopting the neo-Marxist ideologies associated with the Third World national liberation movements of the era. In narrating the initial evolution of his views on the “Greek Question” in exile, this study attempts to surface the underlying dynamics responsible for radicalizing his politics in that direction. Those dynamics reflect, on the one hand, the relentless will-to-action informing Papandreou’s political persona and, on the other, the political upheavals, headlined by the protest movement against the US war in Vietnam, in which his politics were enmeshed.

New Philippines foreign policy may be destabilising

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Knowing That ◽  
The Us ◽  
Common Position

Significance Liu was speaking to a Philippines delegation, an illustration of the Duterte administration's initial efforts to forge a new foreign policy and to repair ties with China. Impacts The Philippine communist insurgents, with whom Duterte is negotiating, will push for the US alliance to be cancelled. Duterte's new foreign policy allied with his reaching out to the communists may alienate the Philippine armed forces. Intra-ASEAN pressure to adopt a stronger common position on the South China Sea will reduce. Future US military aid to the Philippines could be at risk. Knowing that Manila cannot respond militarily and thus seeks warmer ties, Beijing may be bullish in Philippine waters.

scholarly journals Positionality in Embodied War Imaginaries: American Snipers

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-64
Author(s):  
Benjamin Schrader
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Military History ◽  
Active Duty ◽  
The Other ◽  
Wilderness Programs ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Embodied Experiences ◽  
The Military ◽  
Eventual Death

This paper maps the positionality of two soldiers embodied experiences as snipers for the US military. One, Chris Kyle who is labeled as “the most lethal sniper in US military history,” wrote a book uncritically glorifying his experiences, which was later turned into the Oscar nominated film American Sniper. His attempt to help veterans heal from PTSD by taking them shooting was a possible trigger that reignited the traumas of war, which can be traced to his eventual death. The other, Garett Reppenhagen, who was the first active duty member of the antiwar group Iraq Veterans Against the War, and currently works to help others heal from the traumas of war by getting them engaged in wilderness programs and environmental activism. Both stories expose a range of traumas of war, both within wartime and in peacetime, and we see the ways in which their narratives of war have different reflections of what it means to heal during times of peace. This paper juxtaposes these two stories, their war imaginaries, and how one works to reinforce the military dispositif, while the other works to impede it in favor of human rights.

scholarly journals Rereading Empire, Rethinking History: Rehabilitation of the Vietcong in Lan Cao’s Monkey Bridge

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-94
Author(s):  
Yuan Shu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
American Novel ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Vietnamese American ◽  
The Us

Throughits reading of Lan Cao’s Monkey Bridge, credited as the first Vietnamese American novel, this article seeksto investigate the discourse of reconciliation or refugee settlement in the context of the changing US master narratives from Empire to Cold War 2.0. Itarguesthat Cao’s novel in its effort to register a South Vietnamese perspective reorients modern Vietnamese experiences in relation to the US sense of democracy and freedom and in the process challenges what Donald Pease calls the state fantasy of American exceptionalism in the US military intervention in Vietnam. What Cao’s novel achieves is to blur the boundary between nationalism and communism in its representation of the Vietnamese struggle for independence in its early stage and to humanize and rehabilitate the Vietcong soldier as a possibly assimilable “us” rather than as simply “them” in the realm of the other.

Debates on the Role of the US Theatre Missile Defense in Regional Deterrence of Russia and China

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-84
Author(s):  
O. O. Krivolapov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Nuclear Forces ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Russian Federation

Studies on missile defense, both in Russia and abroad, have been tradition- ally focused either on capabilities of the US national missile defense system to parry Russian or Chinese strategic nuclear forces, or on regional deter- rence of North Korea and Iran by means of regional missile defense (theater missile defense, TMD). However, the 2019 Missile Defense Review (MDR) emphasized the role of the TMD systems in the regional deterrence of the Russian Federation and China. So far this issue has received little attention and this paper aims to fill that gap. The first section identifies the key points of the MDR concerning the capabilities of regional missile defense for regional deterrence of the major nuclear powers. The author also examines the views of different represen- tatives of the US Department of Defense on this issue, and concludes that the US military-political leadership has a generally positive assessment of the capabilities of the TMD systems to contain Russia and China in case of a regional crisis. In particular, planners emphasize the role of the regional missile defense in countering the ‘anti-access/access-denial’ capabilities and the concept of ‘escalate to de-escalate’ ascribed to Russia. At the same time, US policymakers express in that regard serious concerns about Russia’s and China’s progress in the development of hypersonic missile systems. The second section examines the ongoing debates in Western expert so- ciety on the role of the regional missile defense in terms of deterring Russia and China. The author concludes that in this respect experts can provisionally be divided into two groups. The first group generally supports the arguments of the US military-political leadership and is optimistic about TMD capabili- ties for regional deterrence of Russia and China. The second group is more critical of these capabilities. They point out the lack of accurate data on the combat capabilities of such systems in active warfare and criticize question- able theoretical assumptions of their opponents. The third section provides a critical analysis of the arguments presented in this debate. The author concludes that the current concepts of deterrence based on the use of regional missile defense systems do not fully address possible implications for regional security and strategic stability. The Russian Federation and China possess significant nuclear arsenals, which already make nuclear escalation involving these countries and the United States possible. Adding yet another variable (TMD) into this equation only aggravates the situation.

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