scholarly journals Les langues « au centre » et les langues « périphériques » dans l’Union européenne multilingue : implications sur la formation des traducteurs et sur les traductions

2021 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 213-226
Author(s):  
Teresa Tomaszkiewicz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Political Correctness ◽  
Training Programs ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Translation System ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Status ◽  
Official Languages ◽  
European Citizen

The European Union is by definition a multilingual organization in which the official languages of all members are recognized equally. The translation system in this organization is highly developed. Political correctness wants to give the impression that every European citizen can communicate in his mother tongue without barriers or limits. However, practice shows that in many cases this principle does not correspond to reality. In this article the author shows, on the basis of quantitative and qualitative analysis of the working languages, which are offered by translator training programs belonging to the EMT (European Master’s in Translation) network, that there is a clear difference between the status of “central” languages, dominant in communication, and the so called “peripherals”, of less diffusion. This situation has an impact on the volume and number of translations, their direction, and, consequently, on the translators’ training.

scholarly journals The multilingual jurisprudence of the Court of Justice and the idea of uniformity in European Union Law

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
Joana Sousa Domingues
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Union Law ◽  
Language Version ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
Binding Force ◽  
Legal Translation ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Official Languages

It is generally accepted that the development of a Union of law is largely due to the judicial decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union (hereinafter, CJEU). With its judicial pronouncements, the CEJEU aims to achieve the same legal effects in every language version of its judgments and, through them, to ensure the uniform application and interpretation of European Union law. Nevertheless, such judicial pronouncements, with normative and binding force, are the result of collegial decisions and drafted by jurists in a language that is usually nottheir mother tongue. In addition, they are also the result of various permutations associated with the necessary legal translation from and to (and vice versa) the working language of the Court and the official languages of the European Union. The published judgments presented as authentic are, in most cases, translations. To understand the construction of decisions of the CJEU is to understand the construction of the European Union law, and by consequence, the European project itself.

scholarly journals THE MAIN SKILLS AND COMPETENCES OF MULTILINGUALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Vankevič
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Language ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Cultural Globalization ◽  
The World ◽  
Official Languages ◽  
Unity In Diversity ◽  
European Citizen ◽  
The Eu

The paper presents multilingualism and multiculturalism as one of the main aims of the European Union (EU) and deals with the issue of political and cultural globalization. More and more young people describe themselves as cosmopolites. Multiculturalism is especially noticeable in the sphere of languages. Languages are fundamental for Europeans wanting to work together. They go to the very heart of the unity in diversity of the EU. It is important to nurture and to promote our linguistic heritage in the Member States but we also need to understand each other, our neighbours, our partners in the EU. Speaking many languages makes businesses and citizens more competitive and more mobile. The EU policy of official multilingualism as a deliberate tool of government is unique in the world. The EU sees the use of its citizens’ languages as one of the factors which make it more transparent, more legitimate and more efficient. At the level of culture and of enhancing the quality of life, too, the EU works actively to promote the wider knowledge and use of all its official languages throughout the Union. The ability to speak foreign language and multiculturalism are inseparable parts of the EU integrations. There are certain skills and competences that a multilingual, multicultural European citizen must acquire in order to become a full‐fledged EU member. Pagrindiniai daugiakalbiškumo įgūdžiai ir kompetencijos Europos sąjungos kontekste Santrauka Straipsnyje parodomas daugiakalbiškumas ir daugiakultūriškumas kaip vienas iš pagrindinių Europos Sąjungos tikslų bei analizuojama politinės ir kultūrinės globalizacijos problema. Vis daugiau jaunų žmonių save apibūdina kosmopolitais. Daugiakultūriškumas ypač pastebimas kalbų srityje. Kalbos labai svarbios europiečiams, norintiems bendradarbiauti. Būtent kalbos sudaro Europos vientisumo ir skirtingumo ašį. Todėl visos Europos Sąjungos (ES) šalys narės privalo ne tik tausoti ir plėtoti savo kalbos paveldą, bet ir stengtis suprasti vienos kitas, savo kaimynes, ES partneres. Gebėjimas bendrauti keliomis kalbomis padeda plėtotis ne tik verslo sričiai, jis padeda ES piliečiams tapti konkurencingesniems ir mobilesniems. ES valdžios taikoma oficialaus daugiakultūriškumo politika – vienintelė pasaulyje. ES valstybinių kalbų vartojimą laiko vienu iš šalies skaidrumo, didesnio teisingumo ir produktyvumo veiksnių. Kultūros ir gyvenimo kokybės stiprinimo lygmeniu ES aktyviai dirba skatindama mokymąsi ir visų Sąjungos valstybinių kalbų vartojimą. Gebėjimas kalbėti keliomis kalbomis bei daugiakultūriškumas – neatsiejama eurointegracijos dalis. Yra tam tikrų gabumų ir kompetencijų, kurios privalomos daugiakultūriam, daugiakalbiam europiečiui, norinčiam tapti visaverčiu ES piliečiu.

scholarly journals Le Statut Communautaire de la Polynésie Française

2007 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Charles-Etienne Gudin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
French Polynesia ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Community Law ◽  
The Status ◽  
Overseas Territories ◽  
European Citizen ◽  
European Community Law

From the point of view of France, French Polynesia is an integral part of the French Republic but it does have a certain degree of political autonomy.  From the point of view of European Community law, French Polynesia has a special status under the Part 4 of the EC Treaty.  That Part confers on French Polynesia the benefit of a special relationship with the European Union.  In addition French law considers that those living overseas are all French citizens and therefore have under the EC Treaty the status of European citizen.  In this paper the author considers the nature of the association of the French territories to the European Union that is provided in the Treaty and notes that it is not radically different from that provided in the Cotonou Agreement.  Working from that point the article investigates whether the provisions of Part 4 alone apply to the overseas territories and seeks to identify the true range of the application of community law to the overseas territories.

The Politics of Language in the European Union

1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Forrest
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Language Use ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Politics Of Language ◽  
The Status ◽  
Official Languages ◽  
Union Action ◽  
Education Culture ◽  
Multilingual Approach

Linguistic obstacles to common European Union action are overcome by a system of official languages (currently 11) for translation of official texts and interpretation at meetings. In practice, flexibility in language use is frequently required. Here, political tensions arise because of the onward march of English as a language of European Union dialogue; some Member States feel the status of their language is being threatened. In this context, education, culture and other programmes having language provisions can have a compensatory role: their multilingual approach reinforces the cohesion of the Union. Their significance will be even greater if enlargement brings 11 further languages into the Union.

scholarly journals Towards peace in Europe: on legal linguistics, prosperity and European identity – the European Reference Language System for the European Union

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Luttermann ◽  
Karin Luttermann
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Well Being ◽  
European Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Language System ◽  
Subsidiarity Principle ◽  
The Face ◽  
Official Languages

Abstract The European Union is a legal community of hundreds of millions of people, established in a single market through European law. This is tied to language and translation into 24 official languages, each with equally authentic status. However, this leads to considerable legal differences between Member States and underscores the dominance of English, at the Court of Justice that of French (monolingualism), both of which have no legal foundation. Rule-of-law order (Rechtsstaatlichkeit) is created by the European Reference Language System (Europäisches Referenzsprachensystem), which is presented here as a tool for the urgently required reform of the language laws in the European Union: Not having a hegemonial focus on a single language (and thus on a single legal world) or on the exclusivity of some few languages, it offers a legal-linguistic basis of communication with all treaty languages of the European Union for a clear European law and prosperity. The official languages of the Member States thus preserve the mother tongue reality of the citizens in the sense of the subsidiarity principle (multilingualism). In this way, the citizens and their Union acquire a legally valid voice and identity. This seems necessary in the face of the present restructuring of the world, in order to maintain peace for the people in Europe and to continue promoting their well-being. The basis is legal linguistics (Rechtslinguistik).

Euratom and Brexit: Could the United Kingdom Maintain One Foot in the European Union? Current Scenarios and Future Prospects of British withdrawal from the EAEC

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Independent Solution ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Energy Community ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.

ANTI-SUIT INJUNCTIONS IN ARBITRAL AWARDS: ENFORCEMENT IN EUROPE

2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-415
Author(s):  
Ewelina Kajkowska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Member State ◽  
State Courts ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
The Status ◽  
Recognition And Enforcement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Brussels Regulation

THE status of anti-suit injunctions in Europe has long given rise to controversy. The decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union in Case C-536/13, Gazprom OAO [2015] All E.R. (EC) 711 sheds a new light on the relationship between anti-suit injunctions and the European jurisdiction regime embodied in the Brussels Regulation (Regulation No. 44/2001 on jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in civil and commercial matters). In this much anticipated judgment, the Court of Justice confirmed that, by virtue of the arbitration exclusion in Article 1(2)(d) of the Brussels Regulation, Member State courts are not precluded from enforcing anti-suit injunctions issued by arbitration tribunals and aimed at restraining the proceedings before Member State courts. Although the decision was given before the Recast Brussels Regulation came into force (Regulation No. 1215/2012 on jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in civil and commercial matters, effective from 10 January 2015), it can be assumed that the same conclusion would have been reached under the new law.

scholarly journals Den Stier das Tanzen lehren?

2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (168) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Fisahn
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Financial Market ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Social Benefits ◽  
The European Union ◽  
German Government ◽  
Capital Movements ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Eu

The crisis of the European Union cannot be solved by austerity programs. Therefore a closer look at the reasons of the crisis seems to be reasonable, which includes a description of the development of the EU from 1951 to present times. The Union started as a tariff union and evolved through different steps to an order of competitive states. The main fields of competition between the states are taxes and social costs, which leads to tax dumping and a race to the bottom in social benefits. Starting in 1990 the EU achieved the status of an open financial market, with the duty of deregulation of capital movements being stipulated in Treaties. In the end the problem is not a debt crisis but a crisis of the structure of the European Union. The solution – which especially the German government prefers – may be the first step on the way to an authoritarian state.

scholarly journals Ukraine: The Main Political Results of the Year

2021 ◽  
pp. 43-60
Author(s):  
E. Tsedilina
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Energy Resources ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Outer Contour ◽  
Full Member ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Status ◽  
Nord Stream ◽  
Military Development

In 2021 in Ukraine as a result of several objective reasons prerequisites were formed for a serious internal political crisis. Problems related to the shortage of energy resources may become a catalyst for negative processes in the economy and politics which will most likely lead to early parliamentary elections. In the south-east of the country, the Ukrainian leadership is deliberately escalating the conflict, which may lead to the resumption of active hostilities in the region. On the outer contour, Kiev’s Western partners continued a military development of Ukrainian territory, although they are still in no hurry to grant Ukraine the status of a full member of NATO. There have also been no changes in the country's relations with the European Union. Fearing the undesirable consequences of the launch of the Nord Stream 2, Kiev continued to actively fight for the preservation of gas transit through its GTS.

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