scholarly journals Pomiędzy państwem prawnym a autorytaryzmem. Z polskich rozważań nad poszukiwaniem optymalnego ustroju państwa po odzyskaniu niepodległości w III Rzeczypospolitej

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 97-118
Author(s):  
Adam Bosiacki
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Party System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
State Institution ◽  
The Third ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
Point Of Departure

BETWEEN THE RULE OF LAW AND AUTHORITARIANISM.POLISH CONSIDERATIONS ON SEEKING THE OPTIMAL STATE SYSTEM AFTER REGAINING INDEPENDENCE IN THE THIRD REPUBLIC The article presents an analysis of selected considerations of Polish political discussions about the shortcomings of the parliamentary system and their antidote in the form of an authoritarian system. The point of departure is an analysis of the idea of a legal state Rechtsstaat, well known in Congress Kingdom even before Poland regained its independence in 1918. It is also worthwhile to research the attempt of the integration the head of state into the parliamentary system, which was successfully applied between 1918 and 1922 when the Head of State institution was personali­zed by Józef Pilsudski. The analysis of the authoritarian thinking of Piłsudskis movement between 1926–1939 did not turn out as it had been declared, the sanation of state, and ideologically — also experienced — numerous social failures. Piłsudski’s legacy is present to some extent in contempo­rary Poland, with few exceptions e.g. the concept of the common good, but one cannot speak of the legacy of authoritarianism. The idea of authoritarianism, however, remains less or more attrac­tive as the solution to the social pains of the Third Republic. As between 1918–1922 in Poland, it has now been possible to incorporate the president’s powers into the parliamentary system, where the head of state is not a purely decorative body to a certain extent as a moderator of the empire. The list of constitutional values is also important. The underserved party system before the war and now is undoubtedly a negative political tendency, although such a system is not a developed state legal system. Paradoxically, however, it fosters anti-authoritarian tendencies. 

scholarly journals Dobro wspólne okiem socjologa — kilka uwag porządkujących

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-63
Author(s):  
Bartosz Mika
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Social Good ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
Collective Ownership ◽  
The Third ◽  
Contemporary Sociology ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common

This text can be defined as an attempt to look at the question of the common good through sociological glasses. The author suggests that many of the issues subsumed under  the term “the common good” have already been elucidated and described in detail on the basis of classical and contemporary sociology. If it is assumed that the common good can be understood triply, as (1) a postulate of the social good, (2) materially, as an object of collective ownership, and (3) as an effect of the individual’s life in society, then it must be admitted that, at least in the third case, reference to the collected achievements of sociology is necessary in order to describe the common good properly.

Subcultural Persistence and Political Cleavage in the Third French Republic

1977 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Sumler
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Common Element ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The Third ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
The Common

The theories which have been offered to explain the governmental instability and persistent political fragmentation of the Third Republic have been of two basic types. Either specific institutional structures have been blamed, or the French national character has been cited. Often-mentioned institutional weaknesses have included the multi-party system, the dominance of the legislative branch, the independent and authoritarian civil service, the various electoral systems tried–especially the two-ballot system and proportional representation–and so on. Aspects of political culture which are said to have contributed to instability and ineffective government include an innate distrust of leaders, the avoidance of face-to-face confrontation and compromise, the lack of a training for democracy in voluntary associations, and an authoritarian educational system. The common element in all of these explanations is that they begin at the top; they see France as a uniform society with “average” ways of doing things. That is, these explanations assume that the explanation to instability and fragmentation can be found at the national level by studying the aggregate characteristics of French men and women or by analyzing the political institutions of the nation-state.

What Theology Should and Should Not Learn from the Social Sciences About the Common Good

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary L. Hirschfeld
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
Human Flourishing ◽  
Catholic Social Thought ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common

There are two ways to answer the question, What can Catholic social thought learn from the social sciences about the common good? A more modern form of Catholic social thought, which primarily thinks of the common good in terms of the equitable distribution of goods like health, education, and opportunity, could benefit from the extensive literature in public policy, economics, and political science, which study the role of institutions and policies in generating desirable social outcomes. A second approach, rooted in pre-Machiavellian Catholic thought, would expand on this modern notion to include concerns about the way the culture shapes our understanding of what genuine human flourishing entails. On that account, the social sciences offer a valuable description of human life; but because they underestimate how human behavior is shaped by institutions, policies, and the discourse of social science itself, their insights need to be treated with caution.

scholarly journals CREACIÓN Y DESTRUCCIÓN DE CAPITAL SOCIAL COMUNITARIO EN EL MOVIMIENTO DE TRABAJADORES DESOCUPADOS DE SOLANO-ARGENTINA

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ignacio García
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
Community Identity ◽  
Capital Social ◽  
Redes Sociales ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
Fundamental Values ◽  
Efficient Mechanisms

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la construcción, sustentabilidad y usos del capital social comunitario en un movimiento social argentino que plantea la horizontalidad y la autonomía como valores fundamentales de organización social. A través del análisis de la dinámica de tres tipos de capital social —unión, puente, y nexo—, se observa que el movimiento en cuestión consigue crear rápidamente capital social comunitario y una identidad común diferenciadora. Sin embargo, el capital social rápidamente construido no logra sustentarse en el tiempo, debido a la incapacidad de sus integrantes en generar mecanismos descentralizados y eficientes de monitoreo mutuo, responsabilidad compartida y penalización moral que protejan el bien común y refuercen la identidad comunitaria a través de redes sociales densas.   ABSTRACTThe objective of this article is to analyze the construction, sustainability and uses of community social capital in a social movement in Argentina that identifies horizontality and autonomy as fundamental values of social organization. By analyzing the dynamics of three types of social capital —bonding, bridging and linking— we can observe that the movement studied here is able to rapidly create community social capital and  differentiating common identity. Nevertheless, the social capital rapidly constructed is not sustained over time, because the movement’s members are unable to generate decentralized, efficient mechanisms for mutual monitoring, shared responsibility and moral penalization that will protect the common good and strengthen community identity through dense social networks.

The Origins of “Social Justice” in the Natural Law Philosophy of Antonio Rosmini

2018 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert P. Kraynak
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Social Teaching ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Theory Of Justice ◽  
Social Nature ◽  
The Social ◽  
Natural Law Theory ◽  
The Common

Abstract“Social justice” is a powerful idea today, but its origins and meaning are unclear. One of the first to use the term was Antonio Rosmini, author of The Constitution under Social Justice (1848) and other works of moral philosophy. I argue that Rosmini arrived at his idea of social justice by developing Thomistic natural law theory into a novel view of the common good that balances two principles: (1) the equal rights and dignity of persons as ends-in-themselves, a version of “personalism” influenced by Kant and Christianity; and (2) unequal rewards for those who contribute most to society, a version of Aristotelian “proportionalism” based on the social nature of man. I conclude by comparing Rosmini's idea of social justice to John Rawls's “theory of justice” and Catholic social teaching.

scholarly journals Fest and revolt In Alboroto y Motín de Indios de México / Fiesta y revuelta en Alboroto y Motín de indios de México

2020 ◽  
pp. 44-56
Author(s):  
Leonor Taiano
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
New Spain ◽  
Active Role ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Collective Consciousness ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Third ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Common

Este estudio examina la manera cómo Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora describe el binomio fiesta-revuelta en Alboroto y motín de indios de México. La investigación está estructurada en cinco partes. La primera toma como punto de partida el concepto de polis y los órdenes que rigen el bien común. La segunda alude a la percepción del fasto desde las diferentes perspectivas de los miembros de la polis novohispana. La tercera parte analiza la importancia del letrado en la organización virreinal. En la cuarta parte se examina el papel activo de las indias en la organización y desarrollo de la revuelta. Finalmente, en la quinta parte, propongo la existencia de una conciencia colectiva plebeya en el virreinato de Nueva España. A través de este análisis se llega a conclusión de que el motín de 1692 presenta las características propias de las revueltas que tuvieron lugar en los territorios españoles a lo largo del siglo XVII, en los cuales, durante el momento festivo, surgía una acción contestataria que trataba de imponer la isonomía en la polis This research analyses how Carlos de Sigüenza and Góngora describes the dichotomy of festivity-revolt in Alboroto y motín de Indios de México. This study is structured in five parts. The first one takes as its starting point the concept of polis and the regulations for the common good. The second one alludes to the Spanish splendor produced in the different members of Novohispanic polis. The third part analyses the letrado’s function within the viceregal organization. The fourth part examines the active role of Female Indigenous in the revolt’s organization and development. Finally, in the fifth part, I propose the existence of a Plebeian collective consciousness within the viceroyalty of New Spain. Through this analysis, the study concludes that the revolt that took place In 1692 has all the characteristics of the revolts that happened in the Spanish territories throughout the 17th century, in which, during a celebratory event, there could arise insurrectionary actions to impose the isonomia in the polis.

A peptide derived from GAPDH enhances resistance to DNA damage in budding yeast

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xi Zhao ◽  
Xianqiang Lian ◽  
Yan Liu ◽  
Liyan Zhou ◽  
Bian Wu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Dna Damage ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Budding Yeast ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
Social Behaviors ◽  
Research Field ◽  
Yeast Cells ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
Established Role

Social behaviors do not only exist in higher organisms but are also present in microbes that interact for the common good. Here, we report that budding yeast cells interact with their neighboring cells after exposure to DNA damage. Yeast cells irradiated with DNA-damaging ultraviolet light secrete signal peptides that can increase the survival of yeast cells exposed to DNA-damaging stress. The secreted peptide is derived from glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate dehydrogenase (GAPDH), and it induced cell death of a fraction of yeast cells in the group. The data suggest that the GAPDH-derived peptide serves in budding yeast’s social interaction in response to DNA-damaging stress. Importance Many studies have shown that microorganisms, including bacteria and yeast, display increased tolerance to stress after exposure to the same stressor. However, the mechanism remains unknown. In this manuscript, we report a striking finding that S. cerevisiae cells respond to DNA damage by secreting a peptide that facilitates resistance to DNA-damaging stress. Although it has been shown that GAPDH possesses many key functions in cells aside from its well-established role in glycolysis, this study demonstrated that GAPDH is also involved in the social behaviors response to DNA-damaging stress. The study opens the gate to an interesting research field about microbial social activity for adaptation to a harsh environment.

The Ethics of Voting

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Stacey Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Third ◽  
Voter Preferences ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Individual Vote ◽  
The Common

The first question that is often raised in a discussion of the ethics of voting is whether or not there is a duty to vote. The view that there is a duty to vote is supported by two main arguments. The first holds that since the value of democratic governance is high persons should vote to preserve stable democracy. The second is that there is a duty to vote because if nobody voted the effects would be disastrous. The first of these arguments is criticized by Jason Brennan, who holds that since each individual vote will play little to no role in preserving stable democracy nobody has a duty to vote. The second is criticized by Loren Lomasky and Geoffrey Brennan, who argue that it is incomplete unless its supporters can show that democracy needs everyone to vote to continue. The question of whether there is a duty to vote naturally leads to the question of whether it is permissible for persons to vote in their own self-interest. Jason Brennan argues that persons should only (morally) vote for candidates or policies that they are justified in believing would promote the common good. It is unclear, however, what “the common good” consists of. This discussion of the morality of voting in one’s self-interest leads to the question of whether voting for a politician because she has made campaign promises is morally analogous to a voter selling her vote. In discussing this issue it is important to distinguish between the “restricted” defense of markets in votes (that the purchased votes are to be cast in favor of what the buyer is justified in believing is the common good) and the “unrestricted” defense of such a market (that purchased votes can be cast in any way the buyer pleases). Much of this discussion focuses on the morality of unrestricted markets in votes. Christopher Freiman has offered four main arguments in favor of such a market: (1) that it will make both the buyer and the seller better off; (2) that it is required by respect for voter liberty; (3) that it is relevantly similar to other practices that are currently allowed, such as logrolling; and (4) that it would enable electoral outcomes to better express voter preferences. None of these arguments are persuasive. The first is based on illicitly inferring from the claim that persons would voluntarily buy and sell votes if a market were allowed to the claim that they would thereby desire that this market be allowed. The second argument is flawed because if some persons would prefer that a market not be allowed, this could provide a sufficient reason to restrict their liberty by precluding them from selling their votes. The third argument overlooks important disanalogies between votes traded between voters, and votes traded between legislators. The fourth argument is based on the implausible assumption that vote sellers would not misrepresent their political preferences in a market for votes.

scholarly journals Doing nothing does something: Embodiment and data in the COVID-19 pandemic

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 205395172093393
Author(s):  
Mickey Vallee
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Media Studies ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Current Data ◽  
The Body ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Critical Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
A Current

The COVID-19 pandemic redefines how we think about the body, physiologically and socially. But what does it mean to have and to be a body in the COVID-19 pandemic? The COVID-19 pandemic offers data scholars the unique opportunity, and perhaps obligation, to revisit and reinvent the fundamental concepts of our mediated experiences. The article critiques the data double, a longstanding concept in critical data and media studies, as incompatible with the current public health and social distancing imperative. The data double, instead, is now the presupposition of a new data entity, which will emerge out of a current data shimmer: a long-sustaining transition that blurs the older boundaries of bodies and the social, and establishes new ethical boundaries around the (in)activity and (im)mobility of doing nothing to do something. The data double faces a unique dynamic in the COVID-19 pandemic between boredom and exhaustion. Following the currently simple rule to stay home presents data scholars the opportunity to revisit the meaning of data as something given, a shimmering embodied relationship with data that contributes to the common good in a global health crisis.

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