scholarly journals Europa Środkowa — od idei literacko-kawiarnianej do koncepcji politycznych

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Radosław Zenderowski ◽  
Andrzej Rudowski

Europa Środkowa stanowi zarówno ideę wspólnoty kulturowej, przestrzeń geopo­lityczną i geokulturową, jak i pewną koncepcję polityczną. W ostatnich kilku dekadach jesteśmy świadkami przejścia czy raczej interferencji od idei literacko-kawiarnianej ku politycznym formom instytucjonalizacji Europy Środkowej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie owej drogi oraz klu­czowych dylematów stojących przed architektami politycznej Europy Środkowej. W artykule omó­wiono zatem dyskurs środkowoeuropejski w latach 70. i 80. XX w., a następnie poszczególne uwa­runkowania i etapy politycznej instytucjonalizacji Europy Środkowej z naciskiem na okres po 2004 r.Central Europe — from the café literary idea to political concepts Central Europe is both an idea of a cultural community, a geopolitical and geo­cultural space, as well as a concrete political concept. In the last decades, we are the witnesses of tran­sition or rather an interference from the literary-cafeteria idea towards the political forms of institutionalization of Central Europe. The aim of this article is to show this way and key dilemmas facing the political architects of Central Europe. The article discusses the Central European discourse in the 70s and 80s of the 20th century, and then the various conditions and stages of the political institu­tionalization of Central Europe with an emphasis on the period after 2004.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-301
Author(s):  
Kamila Staudigl-Ciechowicz

The current Austrian Civil Code goes back to 1811, after more than 200 years it still is in force in Austria –though with many amendments. Its origin and development is connected to the political history of the Austrian Empire, later the Dual Monarchy and its successor states in the 20th century. The paper analyses the significance of the Austrian Civil Code on the development of civil law in Central Europe on the verge of the collapse of the old empires and the emergence of the new political systems. Especially the question of the influence of the Austrian Civil Code on Polish law and inversely the influence of Polish lawyers on the development of the Austrian Civil Code is addressed. Due to the character of the inclusion of the Polish parts into the Austrian Empire in the 18th century the paper raises the question of the role of civil law in forced unions.


2016 ◽  
pp. 245-250
Author(s):  
Jan Surman

Multiculturalism: lessons from the pastReview: Understanding Multiculturalism. The Habsburg Central European Experience, ed. Johannes Feichtinger, Gary B. Cohen, Berghahn, Oxford–New York, 2014 (Austrian and Habsburg Studies 17), pp. 246While recently the concept of multiculturalism has been an object of strong criticism from the political side, the book under review takes another turn scrutinizing and historicizing it. Looking at Central Europe through the lenses of nonessentialism, postcolonialism or national indifference, multiple authors propose not only new ways of reading the history of the region, but also of establishing categories for the future research in historical cultural studies. Wielokulturowość: lekcje przeszłościRecenzja: Understanding Multiculturalism. The Habsburg Central European Experience, red. Johannes Feichtinger, Gary B. Cohen, Berghahn, Oxford–New York, 2014 (Austrian and Habsburg Studies 17), ss. 246.Podczas gdy koncept wielokulturowości był w ostatnim czasie obiektem mocnej krytyki, szczególnie ze strony polityki, recenzowana książka obiera inną pozycję, analizując i historyzując go. Spoglądając na Europe Środkową z użyciem nieesecjalizujących czy postkolonialnych koncepcji, autorzy proponują nie tylko nowe sposoby odczytania historii regionu, lecz także nowe kategorie dla przyszłych badań historii kulturowej.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Dániel Bolgár

In this paper, I shall argue that the convergence of ideologies operating through the creation of enemies like racism and Bolshevism with discourses regulating gender relations in the Central Europe of the twentieth century had the grave consequence of questioning women’s position in the political community. In short, I shall argue that in the context of racist and Bolshevik discourses, the very fact of being female was in itself a political threat to women. To demonstrate my point, I shall discuss two recent publications. First, I shall analyze the context of the convergence of racist and misogynist discourses in turn-of-the-century Vienna through discussing András Gerő’s book, Neither Woman Nor Jew. Second, I shall explore how the discourse of class struggle affected the political status of Hungarian women in the Stalinist era through discussing Eszter Zsófia Tóth’s book, Kádár’s Daughters.


2017 ◽  
pp. 120-138
Author(s):  
Oleg Kupchik

The Pre-Conditions of political negotiations of governments of the countries of Central Europe with government of Soviet Ukraine at the beginning of 1920th years have been investigated. The processof talks between the parties to negotiations have been examined. The maintenance of their international agreements has been analysed. The article reveals the prerequisites of the political negotiations between governments of Central Europe and Sovnarcom of the USSR in the early 1920s. The content of the international agreements reached have been analyzed. Although the «Previous trade agreement» (December 7, 1921) was signed between Austria and the SSR RSFSR, the deal has been inked by the Ukrainian representative M. Levitskyi. According to the «Temporary agreement» (June 6, 1922) with Czechoslovakia, the issue of the official recognition of the USSR hasn’t been placed on the agenda. The operation of a “Rappalo agreement” in the USSR barely had been prevented by the Ukrainian People’s Commissars’ claims to return 410 million Hetman Skoropadskyi gold marks owed by Germany. According to Article 2 «Agreement on the extension of the agreement’s Rappalo» (November 5, 1922), the mutual financial claims had to be resolved after further examination. The relations with Hungary have been confined to the repatriate agreements. The article analyzes the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany. The Central European states have focused on the economic provisions of the Treaty and feasibility of development of trade and economic relations. The SSR has emphasized its international legal recognition. Besides Budapest, the UPR Embassies in Vienna, Prague and Berlin have been closed. The estimations of the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany have been given.


2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasper de Raadt

What were the effects of constitution-making procedures on the acceptance of the new “rules of the political game” in postcommunist Central Europe? This article sets out to scrutinise the increasingly popular claim among politicians and scholars of democratisation that inclusiveness and popular involvement in constitution-making processes enhance a constitution's legitimacy. The concept of constitutional conflict, referring to political contestation over the interpretation and application of constitutional relations among state institutions, is introduced as a way to assess constitutional acceptance among politicians. The investigation concentrates on constitutional conflict patterns during the five years following constitution-making in seven Central European countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. Constitution-making procedures varied substantially among the cases, as did the intensity and timing of constitutional conflict. The article finds that differences in constitution-making procedures do not necessarily determine the legitimacy of constitutions among political elites. Instead, ambiguity on the allocation of formal competencies among political actors and increasing political tensions between pro-reform and anti-reform parties during the early 1990s proved to be more important triggers of constitutional conflict. Accordingly, studies on constitution-making and democratisation should focus less on procedural aspects and take into account the fuzziness of important constitutional provisions and the extent to which constitutions can survive periods of intense political polarisation.


1995 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris C. Demchak

ABSTRACTThe public policy issues of modernizing public agencies in Central Europe are nowhere more pressing than in the process of modernizing militaries. The leaders of central Europe – Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia – plan to deploy smaller, more professional forces equipped with advanced weapons and support systems, changing their organizations accordingly. This paper argues that the political and organizational circumstances roughly common to Central European countries make such modernization highly problematical for effective civilian policy in crises. Advanced technologies can compound the normal problems of civilian ministerial control by altering modernizing military organizations in unexpected ways. The more intricate, critical and expensive the machines, the more organizational effects they induce. Even in minor crises, military leaders will probably want to move to heightened states of readiness to be sure the machines are in place and functional. Under these circumstances, there is greater potential for each otherwise noisy but survivable crisis to escalate through regrettable military guidance and destabilizing military actions, with or without full civilian understanding.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Basia Nikiforova

This article examines literary representations of Central Europe and its image in the works of Milan Kundera, Ingeborg Bachmann and others. At the same time the paper is devoted to the problems of territoriality, “feeling of border”, specificity of Central European multicultural society, and processes of culture interaction. Central Europe is the space of different and special kind of tolerance. The case of Central European tolerance is a key to understanding spiritual and artistic life in the 20th century. When we try to find more special character of Central European spiritual life and narration, the feelings of nostalgia and innumerable flashbacks in time are more typical. The author offers to look at the Central European literary nostalgia as a possibility to situate Central European culture and spirituality geographically and territorially. Santrauka Šiame straipsnyje tyrinėjamos literatūrinės Vidurio Europos ir jos įvaizdžio reprezentacijos Milano Kundera'os, Ingeborgos Bachmann ir kitų darbuose. Šis straipsnis taip pat skirtas teritorialumo, „ribos jausmo“, Vidurio Europos daugiakultūrės visuomenės specifiškumo ir kultūrinės sąveikos procesų problemoms. Vidurio Europa – tai kitoniškos ir ypatingos tolerancijos rūšies erdvė. Vidurio Europos tolerancijos atvejis yra raktas suprasti dvasinį ir meninį XX a. gyvenimą. Nors bandome rasti ypatingesnį Vidurio Europos dvasinio gyvenimo ir naracijos pobūdį, kur kas būdingesni yra nostalgijos jausmai ir nesuskaičiuojami epizodai. Siūloma pažvelgti į Vidurio Europos literatūrinę nostalgiją kaip į Vidurio Europos kultūros ir dvasingumo galimybę geografine ir teritorine prasmėmis.


Human Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 428-437
Author(s):  
Jaroslava Vydrová

AbstractThe aim of the paper is twofold: first, to enrich the factual historical record of the phenomenological movement in the second half of the 20th century in a Central European context by presenting two representatives of this movement who are now relatively unknown in the Czechoslovak philosophical milieu (Marie Bayerová and Josef Cibulka). The genealogy of this stream of phenomenology has been shaped by the difficult conditions under which philosophy was conducted. The second aim is to use the genealogy to describe the type of phenomenology that developed in this milieu. The article considers minor figures in the phenomenological movement, by exploring philosophy, both “in margine” and from the centre. It also consider the concept of “state of emergency”. Taking these pointers of philosophical analysis (elaborated by Jan Patočka and Milan Šimečka in their time) we reveal the anthropological conditions of philosophizing and the type of phenomenology.


2021 ◽  
pp. 284-304
Author(s):  
Ladislav Cabada

Abstract. Nativism does not only present a concept, but also an ideological framework as well as a political practice related to identity politics. In the article we firstly present the theoretical reflection of nativism and operationalise the most important terms and characteristics of this phenomenon. Later, we apply the concept of nativism to the analysis of conservative populist and/or nativist political actors in the Central European region. The analysis shows how nativism, as a relatively peripheral issue in the first 10–15 years after the democratic transition, became stronger in the next period characterised by a set of crises after 2008. The analysis demonstrates how the mainstream parties in Central Europe adopted the nativist and conservative populist agenda and implemented it into mainstream politics. Furthermore, the analysis shows how Central European nativism correlates with the long-term existence of antiliberal streams that were revitalised after the fall of Communist regimes. These anti-modern societal groups were reformulated as the counter-cosmopolitan camp within the polarisation process that is clearly visible in the political arena. Keywords: nativism; national conservatism; identity politics; Central Europe


Author(s):  
Jochen Böhler

The Conclusion sums up the major arguments of the book and gives an outlook on the decade following the postwar struggles. Polish nationalism had not managed to incite the masses in 1918. Until 1921, the state frontiers in Central Europe were fixed, but they ran through ethnically mixed borderlands. All Central European nation states had ethnic minorities living within and co-nationals living beyond their respective borders. As a result of the enmities brought by the Central European Civil War, a collective postwar security system failed to materialize. Internal and external conflicts were simmering on. Even the fight of the Polish Second Republic for its survival did not unite the nation. Following the border struggles, the political elites were more estranged than ever. Their feud resulted in the assassination of the Prime Minister by a right-wing extremist in 1922 and a left-dominated coup d’état in 1926, which established an authoritarian regime.


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