A Study on the Factors influencing the Introduction of a Civil Audit System: Focusing On the Political Party Effect in Local Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 217-247
Author(s):  
IkHyun Han
1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Brand

In spite of all the research stimulated by the English and Scottish Royal Commissions on Local Government, we still have no clear idea of why people go into local politics, or of what sorts of people become local councillors. A recent study of Glasgow politics threw some light on these questions.1 One of the things it did was to draw attention to the central importance of the political party. Both Royal Commissions ignored the part played by parties, despite the fact that in virtually every large town in Britain the council is dominated by parties.2 One of the major functions the parties perform is the recruitment of candidates and councillors. Indeed, in connection with recruitment the parties are almost the only active agencies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Don Rood

New Zealanders place great value on the quality of their freshwater rivers, streams and lakes for recreation, conservation and food gathering. But over the last 25 years they have become increasingly concerned at the deterioration in water quality, the loss of swimming holes and fishing spots, and the impact of pollution on native and valued introduced species and their habitat. The issue has deeply divided the community and become more and more acrimonious. Recreational and conservation groups blame industrial agriculture for much of the decline, and accuse central and local government of turning a blind eye to the problem and failing to protect the environment. Scientists have added their voices to the debate, but big agriculture and its lobby groups have responded aggressively, denying the problem exists, attacking their accusers and warning government against tackling the problem with tighter controls. Public frustration at the political paralysis and inaction has seen water quality become New Zealanders’ biggest single concern. The issue is now firmly established on the political agenda and one any political party wanting to govern the country ignores at its peril.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 868
Author(s):  
Suryo Gilang Romadlon

Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 214-240
Author(s):  
Ulul Azmi M.

Abstract: This article is a field research on the application of the Regional Autonomy Law No. 32 year 2004, jo PERDA (Regional Regulation) No. 7 year 2006 about the local government in Waru-Sidoarjo. The research was conducted by interviewing some people from four villages, namely Ngingas, Kepuh Kiriman, Tambak Oso, and Tambak Rejo. The research concludes that the community of the four villages had been carrying out the mandate of the Regional Autonomy Law No. 32 year 2004, jo PERDA (Regional Regulation) No. 7 year 2006. However, the compliance in carrying out the law is not based on their legal awareness. It is because there are some laws that are considered as discrimination and murder of the rights of individuals, including the prohibition of the village government to take charge of the political party (consulting / comparative study) ". It can, of course, kill the principles of human rights and democracy, whereas the legislation itself gives respect to the principles of democracy and human rights. The principles to be considered in formulating constitution is the guarantee of human rights of each member of society and the equality of all people before the law without any distinctions of social statification.Keywords: Implementation, regional autonomy law, Waru


Finisterra ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (59/60) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Nunes Silva

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND URBAN MANAGEMENT, DOES POLITICS MATTER? - This article develops our earlier analysis of the influence of political parties on the definition and implementation of municipal policies. It starts with an analysis of the literature, mainly from the areas of Political Science, Sociology and Political Geography, reviewing methods and results there presented. The Portuguese case is then analysed, using different types of statistical indicators to measure policy performance.The main thesis is that, in Portugal, the political party effect is relevant to the definition and implementation of municipal policies and actions. Nevertheless, in the end of this period, the municipal policy profile is less differentiated in each category of municipalities than in the years just after the Revolution.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


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