Evolution of EC Trade Policies

Author(s):  
M. Strezhneva

Research presented in this article highlights the place and significance of the Common trade policy in determining the role of the EU as an actor of the international scene. According to the existing forecasts, by the year 2015 up to 90% of growth in global economy will be generated outside Europe – in Asian markets first of all. In order to keep up with their competitors and to successfully use the new global opportunities, European firms need an access to these markets where they can, however, meet substantial obstacles.

Author(s):  
Margareta Timbur

The European Union is the best known at the world’s leading trade power and the common trade policy is the core of EU external relations. The events of the last years and the extension of the EU to 27 member proved that the functioning system could no longer continue and was requiring a new institutional framework. The Lisbon Treaty was the right solution. It purposes are to bring changes for the citizens, institutions, external relations foe the consolidation of democracy in EU. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the major revisions introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon regarding the trade policy. Also, it analyses the extension and clarification of EU competence, the greater role of the European Parliament and the inclusion of investment policy in trade policy, the voting rules in trade area and the international negotiation of trade agreements. The study describes, as well, the impact of Lisbon Treaty implementation on the MS which are independent nations, but without power of decision in the common trade policy.


Author(s):  
Christilla Roederer-Rynning

The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) can be fruitfully construed as an instance of European embedded liberalism, shaped by overlapping layers of domestic, European Union, and international policymaking. Such a conceptualization reveals the large role of domestic politics, even in an area like the CAP, where policy competences were early on extensively transferred to the supranational level. This in turn reflects the rather prominent role of national governments in the EU construction, compared with traditional federal polities. This role can be probed by analyzing two related scholarly agendas: an agenda devoted to the shaping of the CAP by member states (policy shaping); and an agenda devoted to the domestic impact of the CAP. Current policy challenges highlight our need to develop our understanding of: (1) the interaction between different types of CAP decisions at the EU level; (2) the domestic impact of the CAP; (3) and the experience of Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC).


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 53-71
Author(s):  
Samuel Boutruche Zarevac

Abstract ‘That assessment of the extent of the risk [of persecution] must, in all cases, be carried out with vigilance and care, since what are at issue are issues relating to the integrity of the person and to individual liberties, issues which relate to the fundamental values of the Union.’ The case law of the Court of Justice of the EU concerning the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is still limited. Nonetheless, even this limited case law already offers interesting insights into analysing the potential role of the Court of Justice of the EU in the development of the CEAS, and this jurisprudence is in any event likely to grow significantly, due to the fact that the provisions of the CEAS are the result of a political compromise and so lack clarity. This chapter examines the ruling delivered by the Court in the case of Elgafaji, which contains certain elements which address the interpretative difficulties raised by Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive, and goes on to consider, through a discussion of the recent ruling in Abdulla, the extent to which the Court’s interpretation of those provisions of the CEAS which replicate the wording of the 1951 Convention will influence the interpretation of this international instrument, and the difficulties presented in this context. The extent of this influence remains to be seen, but it is clear in any event that the Court of Justice is likely to play a major role in the development of the CEAS. One amendment which may prove necessary is the modification of the Court of Justice’s procedural rules such that it can take into account the views of third-party organisations with a special expertise in this field.


2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
John McDonagh ◽  
Maura Farrell ◽  
Marie Mahon

Abstract Agriculture across Europe is very much driven by the reforms initiated by the European Union (EU) and World Trade Organisation negotiations. Reforms have mobilised a shift in agricultural practices from production to a somewhat contested post-production and, more recently, multifunctional agriculture regime. Accompanying such change has been the debate on the future of farming, the role of agriculture within the countryside, and the extent to which the sector will maintain support from the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the EU. Central to these discussions, in terms of bringing about beneficial change on farms and in rural areas, is the advice and direction available to farmers. The agricultural extension advisory services are an integral component of this process. This paper explores the position of public extension advisory services in Ireland and determines the extent to which these services are impacting the trajectory of modern agricultural practices within a framework of more traditional views of farmers and farm families.


Author(s):  
V. N. Zuev ◽  
E. Ya. Ostrovskaya ◽  
V. Yu. Skryabina

The Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) as a legal format of trade between countries has been actively developed within the last decades. Russian involvement in RTAs until recently was modest. However, after the EAEU creation in 2015, trade policies of the member countries have changed. Setting up the RTAs has become an important priority of the EAEU’s common trade policy. In this study, the assessment is made of the significance for the Russian domestic policies of the already signed and planned FTAs. The focus of the methodology of the study lies in computations of three trade indices: export significance index (suggested by authors and based on the revealed comparative advantage index), trade intensity index and symmetric trade introversion index, which were calculated for the totality of trade partners of Russia for 2019 (193 countries) in order to identify the most promising countries to conclude new FTAs. Authors come to a conclusion that the already signed Russian RTAs and newly planned Russian common FTAs on behalf of the EAEU have a potential to generate trade. Another important result of the study is that it provides the list of the first-priority countries for the new-coming FTAs for Russia and the EAEU partners in terms of efficiency in generating trade, that are - Egypt, Turkey, Algeria, Republic of Korea and Mongolia. The authors suggest to make similar calculations for other countries to support the revealed pattern.


In the chapter, Haq again assuming the role of an advocate of the developing world, spells out various trade policy options for less developed countries—inward looking strategy, outward looking strategy, and regional and sub-regional co-operation. Haq raises questions about the presumed relationship between trade and development and clarifies that trade should not be regarded as the pacesetter in the development strategy for a country but merely as a derivative. Trade strategies, according to Haq, should be embedded in the context of an overall development strategy, not the other way around. He urged developing countries to first define a viable strategy for attacking problems of poverty and inequality and then figuring out trade possibilities geared towards meeting these goals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2019) ◽  
pp. 27-46
Author(s):  
Hubert Zimmermann

Brexit is a huge challenge with enormous consequences for future UK trade policy. But it will also have an impact on the common external trade policy of the EU, and, thus, on one of the core components of EU foreign policy. This contribution analyses Britain’s role in the formulation of EU trade policy and the likely repercussions of its departure, particularly regarding the effectiveness of the EU as trade negotiator and the preferences it represents internationally. I use three theoretical lenses to address these questions: the first lens focuses on likely changes in the material power and interests of the EU; the second looks at the institutional consequences of Brexit for the formulation of EU foreign trade policy, and the third addresses potential changes in external perceptions of the EU as a trade power. It will be argued that neither the effectiveness of the EU as global trade power, nor the substance of its interests, will change substantially.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
Annalisa Volpato

The CAP is a fundamental policy area which has experienced profound changes since its establishment in the early years of EU integration – changes in nature, organization and power balance between the EU and national level. Within this policy area, the principle of mutual recognition is traditionally considered inapplicable. However, the increasing decentralisation of the CAP and subsequent regaining of regulatory powers by the Member States may pave the way for a more significant application of this principle. Mutual recognition also finds application in some sectoral legislation in the field. Thus, the objective of this contribution is to reflect on the role of the principle of mutual recognition in light of this evolution and, in doing so, highlighting the correlations between this principle, pre-emption and decentralisation in EU agri-food law.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Boutruche Zarevac

Abstract‘That assessment of the extent of the risk [of persecution] must, in all cases, be carried out with vigilance and care, since what are at issue are issues relating to the integrity of the person and to individual liberties, issues which relate to the fundamental values of the Union.’The case law of the Court of Justice of the EU concerning the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is still limited. Nonetheless, even this limited case law already offers interesting insights into analysing the potential role of the Court of Justice of the EU in the development of the CEAS, and this jurisprudence is in any event likely to grow significantly, due to the fact that the provisions of the CEAS are the result of a political compromise and so lack clarity. This chapter examines the ruling delivered by the Court in the case of Elgafaji, which contains certain elements which address the interpretative difficulties raised by Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive, and goes on to consider, through a discussion of the recent ruling in Abdulla, the extent to which the Court’s interpretation of those provisions of the CEAS which replicate the wording of the 1951 Convention will influence the interpretation of this international instrument, and the difficulties presented in this context. The extent of this influence remains to be seen, but it is clear in any event that the Court of Justice is likely to play a major role in the development of the CEAS. One amendment which may prove necessary is the modification of the Court of Justice’s procedural rules such that it can take into account the views of third-party organisations with a special expertise in this field.


2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-460
Author(s):  
Alison Duxbury

AbstractThis article traces the development of the role of human rights and democracy in determining admission to three European organizations: the Council of Europe, NATO and the EU. Despite the different functions that each organization performs, they have all assumed that prospective members must comply with human rights and democratic conditions. This is evident in both the organizations' constituent instruments and related membership documents, and also in the recent admission practice of the three organizations. But the membership practice also indicates that since their establishment the organizations have not always applied these conditions rigorously – thus there is a tension between the organizations' desire for homogenous universality (getting better) and heterogeneous universality (getting bigger). The admission practice also reveals a number of problems with the use of human rights and democratic criteria, including inconsistencies in the application of the criteria between applicants and existing members of the same organization, and inconsistencies in the application of the shared criteria across the three organizations. In the end, the development of the common membership criteria of human rights and democracy highlights both a degree of flexibility in admission decisions, as well as a progressive change in the functions of each organization.


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