Anatomy of the Egyptian Counterrevolution

2014 ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
A. Korotaev ◽  
L. Isaev
Keyword(s):  
Urban Poor ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The authors analyze roots, causes and implications of both major political events that took place in Egypt in the last three years, namely the Tahrir Revolution of 2011 and what they call the Counterrevolution of 2013. Focus of the article is on the role of the military and the Islamists. The young educated democrats of middle class who initiated the revolution in 2011 under the slogans of combatting autocratic and corrupt government were joined by the poverty-stricken population of Cairo, by the desolate and unemployed and – what was especially important – by the Muslim Brotherhood. This combination of forces proved too strong for the army and government, Mubarak had to resign. But the urban poor who played a decisive role in the victory of the revolution had always been under a very strong influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, so it was inevitable that free and fair elections would bring the Islamists to power. Moursi became President. The Islamists, however, made a number of grave mistakes while in power, and the old elites, both economic and military/bureaucratic, did their best to sabotage the government policy. At last the army (supported by the Egyptian economic elites) came on top, so both the Muslim Brothers and the young secular democrats have lost.

The Brazilian Tenentes after the Revolution of 1930

1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Decisive Role ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Government ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
Old Republic ◽  
Brazilian Politics ◽  
The Revolution

The “Tenentes” or “lieutenants” were an important factor in Brazilian politics between 1922 and the end of the government of President Castelo Branco early in 1967. They had an active and occasionally decisive role in most major political events for almost half a century. The emergence of the Tenentes in the 1920s was part of a broader movement of discontent with the Old Republic, a relatively loose confederation of states dominated by rural landed interests and the politicians associated with them. Subsequently, the Tenentes played a key part in overthrowing the Old Republic in the Revolution of 1930.Getúlio Vargas came to power in the 1930 Revolution and stayed in the presidency for fifteen years. As provisional chief executive for more than three years, he suppressed a serious revolt against his authority by the state of Sao Paulo between July and October of 1932, and summoned the assembly that wrote the Constitution of 1934 and chose him to be the first president under it.

scholarly journals A commitment to politics: the trajectory of the Muslim Brotherhood during Egypt's 2011–13 political opening

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wilmot
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
Islamist Movement ◽  
Rare Opportunity

Prior to the 2011 Arab uprisings, Islamist parties in most Arab states had been systematically prevented from exercising any meaningful authority in government. Following President Hosni Mubarak's ousting from power in 2011, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) established a political party – the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) – and formally entered mainstream politics, providing a rare opportunity to examine the role of an Islamist party in the context of democratic transition. Contrary to concerns that the MB might use Egypt's political opening to install an undemocratic regime, the movement instead committed itself to electoral politics and consistently adhered to the framework for political transition. An analysis of the MB's political trajectory during the 2011–13 timeframe reveals that the movement endeavoured to protect Egypt's democratic transition against the encroachment of the military and the judiciary. Despite the FJP's efforts, sustained interference by non-elected institutions brought Egypt's democratic experiment to a premature end. This course of events confirms that an Islamist movement is capable of fully committing to politics, but also indicates that political commitment alone is insufficient to ensure a successful transition to democratic governance.

scholarly journals The Zemsky Sobor of 1613: Elections Without Choice or Choice Without Elections?

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-146
Author(s):  
Dmitry Liseitsev
Keyword(s):  
Decisive Role ◽  
Document Analysis ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Real Power ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Government ◽  
Time Of Troubles ◽  
Full Force

Introduction. There is a significant amount of research devoted to the Zemsky Sobor of 1613, but even nowadays historians cannot agree on this event. There is a dominating concept in historiography whose supporters consider the election to the throne of Mikhail Romanov as the result of the national consensus and unity and also regard this as the end of the Time of Troubles. Meanwhile, a great number of sources indicate the decisive role of Cossacks in the enthronement process of the new dynasty founder. Possessing a numerical superiority over the supporters of the Zemsky Sobor, which did not act in full force, Cossacks achieved the proclamation of Mikhail Romanov as a Tsar. Methods and materials. Solving this contradiction in the conclusions of researchers is possible only with the widest involvement of historical sources. First of all, the documents of the last weeks and days of “mezhdutsarstvie” should be analyzed. The attempts to follow ideologically conditioned concepts cannot bring satisfactory results in the solution of scientific problems. Analysis. Document analysis of the late 1612 and the early1613 leads to the conclusion that after the liberation of Moscow, the real power in the capital was in the hands of “duumvirate” – the leaders of the militia of Pr. D.T. Trubetskoy and Pr. D.M. Pozharsky. They did not lose their influence even when many orders were officially proclaimed on behalf of the Zemsky Sobor. At the same time, Pr. Trubetskoy seriously planned to take the throne with the help of Cossacks. The unexpected intervention of Cossacks in the support of Mikhail Romanov broke Trubetskoy’s plans. Nevertheless, the “duumvirs” tried to ignore the acclamation that took place on February 21, 1613 for several days. Results. Only under the pressure of the armed Cossack mass, the government had to swear allegiance to Mikhail Romanov and begin notifying provinces on the election of a new sovereign. Despite this fact, the leaders of the people’s militia retained the influence in the capital until the arrival of Tsar Mikhail to Moscow. Thus, preserved sources allow to significantly clarify the course of political events in Moscow in the first months of 1613.

scholarly journals MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD ACTIVITY IN EGYPT (20th – EARLY 21st CENTURIES)

2020 ◽  
pp. 52-56
Author(s):  
N. Lutsenko
Keyword(s):  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Political ◽  
Egyptian Revolution ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Anwar Sadat ◽  
Main Ideas ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
The Military

The article examines the origins of political Islam in the Middle East and the terminological aspect of the problem. The stages of the formation of the Egyptian Islamic organization Muslim Brotherhood were clarified and its key ideological tenets were established. The political and socio-economic circumstances in which the organization was formed are outlined. Attention is drawn to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the military and economic presence in Egypt of the United Kingdom, which consolidated political Islamic parties. The process of transforming the Muslim Brotherhood from a "group of like-minded people" into a political party is considered. The political and legal ideas of the founder of the organization Hasan al-Banna are covered. which became the main strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood. The situation of the organization in the 30's and 40's was analyzed during the attempt of Nazi Germany to turn the Brothers into their own puppet. The article reveals the role in the organization of its ideologist Said Qutb. His main ideas and views, which formed the basis of the radical Muslim Brotherhood branch, are analyzed. The link between the radicalism of the organization and the ultra-conservative trend of Islam - "Salafism" - was noted. The connection of the Muslim Brotherhood with the Free Officers organization, which came to power in Egypt in 1952, has been disclosed. It was stated that the Brothers supported General Gamal Nasser in the struggle for power, which allowed them to take part in the parliamentary elections. It is stated that the Brothers' criticism of the policies of Gamal Nasser and Anwar Sadat on Israel led to a ban of the organization's activities in Egypt. It has been established that under the presidency of Hosni Mubarak, the "Brothers" tried to enter parliament in other parties. The place and role of the organization during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, which led the Muslim Brotherhood to power, were examined. The main reasons for the failure of the organization are indicated.

scholarly journals Performing (for) Populist Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-321
Author(s):  
Joel W. Abdelmoez
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Military Leadership ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Gender Constructions ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Military

Abstract In July 2013, after months of protest, Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, was ousted by the Egyptian armed forces. The Muslim Brotherhood, who supported Morsi, took to the streets, chanting and singing against the ousting, which they termed a military coup, while supporters of Sisi, who viewed it as a revolution, began producing songs to show their allegiance to the military leadership. While abundant research has been conducted on the role of oppositional and revolutionary music in Egypt since 2011, relatively little has been done on the widely popular pro-military music sometimes known as watani music. Watani songs are a genre of patriotic music made by popular artists to show their allegiance to the Egyptian armed forces. In this paper I examine the surge of watani songs and trace their history back to the Nasser era, thereby showing a continuity in style as well as content. I further argue that there are connections between nationalism and gender constructions, as the national project comes with obligations for men to offer their bodies to the cause. This obligation is aided by constructions about ‘male bravery’ and ‘courage’ that are designed to make men believe that military service is somehow essential to masculinity. Watani music, whether commissioned or not, fits well with this mythology of military men. It forms an ideological undercurrent, supports the narrative that it is necessary for patriotic military men to bravely safeguard the nation against its enemies.

Copts and Salafis

2019 ◽  
pp. 140-156
Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust
Keyword(s):  
Labor Unions ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Supreme Council ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter assesses the most important period in the revolution, namely the last three months of 2011. By that time the revolutionary forces—those that stayed mobilized or that remobilized periodically throughout the year—had articulated a series of demands that went far beyond the ubiquitous but vague “bread, freedom, and social justice” slogan. They included the cleansing of institutions from Mubarakist elements, greater autonomy and political freedom within universities and al-Azhar, independent labor unions, the cessation of military trials for civilians, unambiguous civilian rule, and redress for those killed or injured by the security forces. None of this had anything to do with an institutionally nurtured “democratic transition” that occupied the attention of political scientists; none of it was acknowledged by institutions or powerful public figures, who never deviated from the line that the revolution was incoherent, and merely the product of a few feckless youths. Hence, chants at demonstrations of “down with military rule” were heard by March, but it was a series of massacres and street battles beginning in October and lasting until early February of 2012 that brought anti-SCAF (Supreme Council for the Armed Forces) sentiment much more openly into the mainstream than anyone could have dreamed, given the deeply institutionalized reverence for the military in Egyptian public culture. At that point, the military had little choice but to push ahead with elections that it knew would result in a transfer of power to the Muslim Brotherhood.

Grievances against the Morsi Government

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Interview Data ◽  
Political Appointments ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.

scholarly journals A History of Koshe Town in South-Central Ethiopia from 1941 to 1991

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-137
Author(s):  
Yohannes Tesfaye Getachew
Keyword(s):  
Research Paper ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Central Ethiopia ◽  
South Central ◽  
Important Development ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Commercial Center

Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.

Protests, a Destabilizing Factor of Economic Growth in Arab Republic of Egypt

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Karim Naama ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Economic Research ◽  
Economic Growth Rate ◽  
Published Report ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Cash Reserves ◽  
The Military

With the start of the revolution of January 2011 until 2013, many indicators and economic research confirms the entry of the Egyptian economy to a stage of deterioration. With the military council headed by Marshal Tantawi taking over the country, the growth of the economy fell remarkably to less than 2% Unemployment reached over 10%, and the fiscal deficit increased to 8.6% of GDP, which was accompanied by inflation of 11%. That one of the biggest economic mistakes committed by the government system is to keep the exchange rate of the pound fixed, which led to the depletion of about $ 20 billion of cash reserves between December 2010 to May 2012, which has negatively affected the rating of Egyptian Institutions International Finance. After that, Egypt’s economic situation during the rule of Mohammed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, which can be described as lacking in experience in the management of the state. The political challenges and obstacles, as well as the absence of any economic plan, contributed to the increasing complexity of the economic situation of Egypt, Resulting in a rise in the unemployment rate to 12.5%. The Brotherhood’s government failed to provide resources to cope with the crisis, relying only on the collection of aid and subsidies from some regimes in the Middle East, resulting in worsening conditions until the army intervened and President Mohamed Morsi was removed on 3 July 2013. With the arrival of interim President Adli Mansour to power in August 2013, we note that the Egyptian economy witnessed a slight improvement, which was reflected according to the published report that Egypt received about 12 billion dollars in foreign aid from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, However, the economic growth rate remained below 2% as unemployment and inflation continued to spread.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document