scholarly journals Regulating primary microplastics in the European Union

Author(s):  
Christoph Rheinberger ◽  
Perrti Elo ◽  
Sanna Henrichson ◽  
Anu Kapanen ◽  
Sandrine Lefevre-Brevart ◽  
...  

Abstract Microplastic pollution receives increasing attention of policy makers. Primary microplastics are of particular interest as they may be effectively regulated by source reduction. We identify major emission sources and sinks of primary microplastics in the EU and discuss key challenges for optimal regulation

Author(s):  
Andrea Lenschow

This chapter focuses on the European Union’s environmental policy, the development of which was characterized by institutional deepening and the substantial expansion of environmental issues covered by EU decisions and regulations. Environmental policy presents a host of challenges for policy-makers, including the choice of appropriate instruments, improvement of implementation performance, and better policy coordination at all levels of policy-making. The chapter points to the continuing adaptations that have been made in these areas. It first considers the historical evolution of environmental policy in the EU before discussing the main actors in EU environmental policy-making, namely: the European Commission, the Council of the European Union, the European Parliament, the Court of Justice of the European Union, and environmental interest groups. The chapter also looks at the EU as an international actor.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (S1) ◽  
pp. 93-94
Author(s):  
Will Phelan

It is common to describe the European Union as “new,” “unique,” “sui generis,” and hard to fit into existing categories of institutional arrangements, national or international. Indeed, debates on how to describe the EU are often lively and sometimes illuminating. In concrete terms, however, one of the best ways to understand the EU's distinction from other forms of treaty-based trade and integration regimes is the EU's distinctive lack of unilateral safeguard and escape valve mechanisms available to policy-makers in the various Member States.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Osman Sabri Kiratli

This paper investigates the change in the Greek position from an ardent critic to an enthusiastic supporter of supranational cooperation in the Common Foreign and Security Policies of the European Union (EU) during the negotiation process (2003–2004) for the Constitutional Treaty. It proposes that the change was largely due to the imminent security threat perceived from its neighbour, Turkey. As unilateralist, confrontational responses, which had been in effect since Turkey’s Cyprus intervention in 1974, had largely failed to curb the level of threats perceived from the eastern side of the Aegean, Greek policy-makers started to develop a radically new security strategy based on a cooperative and integrationist partnership with the EU.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Czachór

The crisis in the European Union is forcing the world of science, mainly representatives of European research and studies, to change thinking, and thus to the need to search for new patterns of scientific thinking. Such formulas and views that will allow to explain and understand the dynamics of the construction and deconstruction of European integration. The paradigm of situationism is helpful here, which refers to the postulate of identifying and defining critical situations leading to changes in the EU. We define the situation here as a set of conditional circumstances and the state of the matter in which the European Union is located. The situation is also a fragment of the action (reconstruction of activities) taking place in the European integration process. Situationism may aspire to an integrative metatheory, because rejects all generalisation and universalisation of reality. It makes European integration actors (mainly policy-makers) connected with their actions (interactions – transactions) dependent on instruments (procedures) and requirements of the specific situation in which they found themselves.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anila Sultana, Dr. Rizwana Jabeen, Qaiser Sharif

The study intends to see how food safety regulations introduced by the European Union affect Pakistani seafood exports to the EU. For the analysis time trend data of related variables has been taken into account from 1999-2017. The Gravity Model results indicate that imposition of food safety regulation deteriorates trade and sharing of common language (English) has a positive yet significant impact on seafood exports of Pakistan. The study provides imperative insights for policy makers to devise appropriate policies regarding enhancement of export potential of Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Ben Tonra

Ireland joined the European Communities—as they were known then—in 1973, alongside the United Kingdom and Denmark. In many ways, that membership was defined by the bilateral British-Irish relationship. Ireland was, to all intents and purposes, an underdeveloped appendage of the British economy, and membership alongside the United Kingdom was deemed by most of the Irish political and economic establishment as virtually axiomatic. Irish policy makers, however, took full advantage of the opportunities offered by membership; in particular the Common Agricultural Policy, the direct transfers that derived from cohesion, regional and structural funding, and the opportunity to present the country as a successful location for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) with access to the entire European market. Irish policy makers also positioned themselves rhetorically close to the heart of European construction, which had the added value of creating an Irish antithesis to Britain’s ongoing European discontents. There are perhaps four key themes to be analyzed with respect to Ireland and its membership of the European Union. The first is the question of a small state and its sovereignty. As a former colony, with a bitter experience of imperialism and a strong sense of independence, Ireland’s pooling of sovereignty with its European partners has most often been presented as a desirable trade-off between legal, formal sovereignty and effective sovereignty. Having a seat at the main table—alongside the former imperial hegemon—was deemed to be a major advance, one that allowed the state more effectively to pursue its interests—including the resolution of conflict on the island of Ireland. The 2008 financial collapse, and Ireland’s experience of the EU-led troika briefly challenged that narrative. Subsequently, the support given by the EU26 to a resolution of post-Brexit border relations on the island substantially reinforced Ireland’s European commitment. A second theme of inquiry is that of Irish economic development within the European Union. In contrast to other similarly under-developed states and regions in the EU, Ireland is seen by many as something of a poster child for making a success of EU membership. In the run-up to the 2004 enlargement and shortly thereafter, Dublin was a magnet for central European and Mediterranean states looking to replicate the success of the so-called “Celtic Tiger.” Debate persists, however, on the precise balance of costs and benefits deriving from the model of economic development pursued by the Irish state, the role of Irish government policy therein, and consistency between Irish and EU policy priorities, especially in the field of corporate taxation and the regulation of large multinationals. A third theme of inquiry is the intersection of local, national, and European democracy. Once membership was secured, the European Union became a central and largely uncontested fact of Irish political life. Early constitutional referenda authorizing ratification of EC and then EU treaty changes, while vigorously contested, were overwhelmingly won by coalitions of the mainstream political parties and sectoral interest groups. With both the Nice (2001) and Lisbon (2007) treaties, however, ambivalence, antagonism, and complacency combined initially to thwart ratification. The gap between popular opinion on EU treaty change, which ultimately divided roughly 60/40 in favor, and the near unanimity among political elites and sectoral interests, opened a conversation on the relationship between local, national, and European democracy, which is as yet unresolved, but which many see as having further centralized policy making and distanced it from effective democratic control. A fourth theme is that of Ireland and Europe in the world. Ireland joined the European Communities with no expressed reservations on its further political integration, but as the only non-member of NATO. During those initial debates, economic arguments overwhelmingly predominated, but the political issues were aired and the implications for Ireland’s traditional military neutrality were robustly discussed. The subsequent membership of other non-aligned states ought, on the face of things, to have made Ireland’s position all the more secure. Thus, with a long and popular history of UN peacekeeping and active international engagement, the development of European foreign, security, and defense policies should not have proven to be problematic. In fact, neutrality, security, and defense remain neuralgic issues for Ireland within the European Union and have contributed in a very modest way to the challenges faced by the Union in its attempts to craft a coherent and credible common security and defense policy. This speaks to debates surrounding Ireland’s proper place in the world, the lessons of its own history and the perceived capacity for smaller states to shape the international community. These four themes underpin much research and analysis on Ireland as a member of the European Union. In an unstable contemporary climate, with many well-established expectations under threat, they also serve to identify the pathways available to navigate beyond political and economic instability both for Ireland and the wider European project.


2020 ◽  
pp. 219-232
Author(s):  
Kevin Bean

During the first phase of the Brexit negotiations the question of Northern Ireland’s border with the Irish Republic emerged from decades of political obscurity to become one of the major themes of the controversy surrounding Britain’s future relationship with the European Union. Existing freedoms to act have been called into question not only by Brexit, but also by the Irish government’s determined positioning alongside its fellow member states of the EU around the negotiating table. The chapter looks at three aspects of Anglo-Irish relations. Initially it considers the development and current state of these relationships during the opening phases of the Brexit negotiations. The chapter continues by assessing the debate about Brexit amongst Irish policy-makers and commentators and how this has subsequently fed into political and cultural debates in Britain as well. It concludes by looking at how these assessments by Irish politicians and cultural commentators go beyond the immediate issues of the future of Anglo-Irish relations and pose existential questions about the nature of contemporary Britain.


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 199-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luc Van den Brande

In an increasingly interdependent world, Europe will need its regions to tackle the challenges of globalization effectively, and to remain a leading partner on the international scene. Regions should therefore reorient their administrations towards the European Union (EU), focus more on the EU’s rolling political agenda, and dare to better steer the EU’s decision-making process. On the flipside, the EU itself should be based upon a model of multi-level governance, allowing the EU to work in partnership with its regional and local authorities. Having experienced politics himself at all levels of governance during his career, Dr Luc Van den Brande gives his practitioner’s view to future policy-makers.


2010 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIETER KONOLD

AbstractIn trade policy France ranks as one of the most protectionist countries in the European Union. From an outside perspective, the French attitude is usually explained as a consequence of the strength and influence of the agrarian lobby. The article argues that farm groups in France have lost their formerly privileged position and the power to pursue their interests politically. A closer look at domestic politics shows that agricultural reforms were successfully implemented against the opposition of the farm lobby during the last ten years. But at the same time, French policy-makers were keen to create the impression that they were unable to make concessions in international trade talks due to the resistance of the agricultural sector. The EU-Mercosur negotiations demonstrate how the French government fended off demands for liberalization using farm interests as bargaining chips.


2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
M. Klinova ◽  
E. Sidorova

The article deals with economic sanctions and their impact on the state and prospects of the neighboring partner economies - the European Union (EU) and Russia. It provides comparisons of current data with that of the year 2013 (before sanctions) to demonstrate the impact of sanctions on both sides. Despite the fact that Russia remains the EU’s key partner, it came out of the first three partners of the EU. The current economic recession is caused by different reasons, not only by sanctions. Both the EU and Russia have internal problems, which the sanctions confrontation only exacerbates. The article emphasizes the need for a speedy restoration of cooperation.


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