scholarly journals The Intermarium in Ukrainian and Polish Foreign Policy Discourse

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-48
Author(s):  
Oleksii Polegkyi

The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, crises in the European Union (EU), and armed conflicts in the EU neighbourhood have influenced the prospects of future development in eastern and central Europe. A search for new security architecture on the margins of the EU and regional collaborations that prevail across formal EU borders have forced national elites in Poland and Ukraine to redefine their efforts regarding regional and security co-operation. Rationales for joining an Intermarium (a regional, transnational project involving successor states of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth countries) are based on the perception of a threat coming from Russia. This article analyzes the Intermarium concept, first, from the perspective of “geopolitical imaginary” with emphasis on periphery-centre relations and, second, in the light of regional “security dilemma” as it appears in attempt of “smaller” states to counteract Russian threats.

Author(s):  
Nanopoulos Eva

This chapter explores the European Union’s relationship and contribution to the international law of global security through the lens of ‘ambivalence’. The reasons for this approach are threefold. First, that relationship oscillates between symbiosis and friction. On the one hand, the European Union (EU) has been gradually integrated into the global security architecture. On the other hand, the EU, as a power bloc and ‘autonomous’ legal community, also provides a source of conflict with, disassociation from, or destabilization of, global security arrangements. Second, the interaction between EU law and global security law, as well as the substantive contribution of the EU to the law of global security, produces mixed results. Finally, the ambivalence of the EU as a ‘global security provider’ has also explanatory value when it comes to contemporary developments and challenges, particularly as they emerge from the EU’s response to the increased ‘questioning’ of the European project and the global liberal order more generally, and that cut across several aspects of global security.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (Vol 18, No 4 (2019)) ◽  
pp. 439-453
Author(s):  
Ihor LISHCHYNSKYY

The article is devoted to the study of the implementation of territorial cohesion policy in the European Union in order to achieve a secure regional coexistence. In particular, the regulatory and institutional origins of territorial cohesion policy in the EU are considered. The evolution of ontological models of cohesion policy has been outlined. Specifically, the emphasis is placed on the key objective of political geography – effectively combining the need for "territorialization" and the growing importance of networking. The role of urbanization processes in the context of cohesion policy is highlighted. Cross-border dimensions of cohesion policy in the context of interregional cooperation are explored. Particular emphasis is placed on the features of integrated sustainable development strategies.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3(66)) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Wawrzyniec Banach

European Union towards Western Balkans in the Context of Migration Crisis 2015‑2019 The aim of the article is to analyse the actions taken by the European Union towards the Western Balkans in the context of the migration crisis. The study assumes that the migration crisis was an important factor accelerating the accession process of the Western Balkan countries to the European Union. In order to fulfil the research goal, an analysis of sources (European Union documents) was conducted. The paper uses elements of the theory of the regional security complex as a theoretical framework. Firstly, the activities of the European Union before the migration crisis are discussed. Next, the paper focuses on presenting the course of the crisis on the Western Balkan route. The further part of the study discusses the actions taken by the EU towards the countries of the Western Balkans in response to the migration crisis.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Rupnik ◽  
Jan Zielonka

The countries of East-Central Europe (ECE) embarked on a democratic transition in 1989 were proclaimed consolidated democracies when they joined the European Union (EU) in 2004. Today most of the new democracies are experiencing “democratic fatigue” and some seem vulnerable to an authoritarian turn. The EU, seen as the guarantor of the post-1989 democratic changes, is experiencing an unprecedented economic, financial, and democratic crisis with the combined challenges of technocracy and populism. The article explores the different approaches to the study of democracies in ECE, their specific features and vulnerabilities, and tries to provide an interpretation of the premature crisis of democracy in ECE in a broader transeuropean context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (54) ◽  
pp. 195-222
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Ušiak ◽  
◽  
Dominika Trubenová ◽  

Europe has undergone various security changes in the past and needs to prepare itself for managing the present and future security challenges appearing on the horizon. Within Central Europe, we can see a significant change in its security orientation and a gradual development by continuous involvement in security initiatives such as the current EU-led PESCO. This article aims to show the present Visegrad Group (V4) interest in maintaining an autonomous European security, as well as to analyse the current possibilities and security capabilities of Central European countries. The V4 countries are an important part of NATO and the European Union, even though they are small to medium-sized countries with limited security capabilities. Participation in the creation of collective security under NATO has a stable, several-year position in the countries, but the European Union is on the rise in its security agenda, and that is assumed by the V4 countries with its participation in EU initiatives such as PESCO and the integrated involvement of the V4 in ongoing military projects.


2018 ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
Helen WYLIGAŁA

Following the enlargement of the European Union, Poland was expected to become a significant creator of European policy in the Community, and an equal partner to Germany and France. This was supposed to translate into intensified activity by Poland in the Weimar Triangle. New Weimar projects were expected to provide a new core for the EU, thus sparking a European integration process. However, over the five years of Poland’s membership in the EU, the inter-governmental Weimar initiative has diminished in importance, despite diplomats’ assurances of its useful character. On the other hand, trilateral ventures in social, cultural and regional areas have blossomed. The paper analyzes external and internal factors affecting the activity of the Weimar Triangle. The unused mechanisms of the Triangle and potential cooperation fields are discussed. This is done against the background of considerations on the change in priorities of Polish foreign policy after 2004, and Berlin and Paris’s search for strategic partners in an enlarged EU. The conclusion presents the answer to the question of whether the Weimar Triangle can still be included in the arsenal of instruments of Polish diplomacy, and what prerequisites might herald its revival in the near future.


Author(s):  
Dominika Rosłoń

At a time when Polish became a full member of EU, it started to specify its objectives and determined the process of their implementation. This situation caused a shock and a reluctance in many circles of Western political class, which were unaccustomed to contact with Warsaw like real member of EU. This period was undoubtedly difficult and it can be described as painful for both sides during the confrontation with reality. Poland ceased to be just a supplicant, and the main EU state accepted it reluctantly. 2005-2007 years (Partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwoscść was at the power that time) were undoubtedly a period of revealing the practical significance of the new Polish political position in Europe, obtained on the basis of full membership in the EU and enhancing the political changes in the CIS area, that were caused by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. Three facts – Polish accession to the European Union, the Ukrainian revolution and the institutional reform of the EU – determined the current policy objectives of the Republic of Poland and created new opportunities for her. Keywords: Polish foreign policy, EU, institutional reform of the European Union, the Visegrad Group


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-29
Author(s):  
George Soroka ◽  
Tomasz Stępniewski

Since 2015, Polish foreign policy has witnessed a gradual rise in the significance of regional cooperation, as reflected in its enthusiasm for the Three Seas Initiative (TSI)1. The Initiative constitutes an in statu nascendi undertaking, one which aims to consolidate cooperation among states located in the region between the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic Seas. (In Poland, a popular acronym to denote the project is the “ABC initiative,” which reflects the Polish names of these bodies of water [i.e., Adriatyk, Bałtyk, Czarne]. However, itmust be emphasized that the member states of the TSI do not operate invacuum, but rather within a broader institutional framework that includes the European Union, the Central European Initiative, and the Visegrád Group. This paper begins by outlining the prospective geopolitical determinants that will determine the success or failure of the TSI, with particular attention paid to issues of regional security. It concludes by analysing how the Initiative may become a new model for regional cooperation.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (56) ◽  
pp. 211-230
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Wardin

The changes in the 21st century have brought new threats and problems for the international community. The European Union, as one of the most important actors in the world, was forced to change its approach to a new situation, which is characterized by the presence of threats such as illegal migration, huge refugee influx and the existence of fragile states in its neighborhood. The main objective of this paper is to present the EU’s engagement in stabilization of fragile states through civilian and military missions and operations to hold illegal migration. It answers the question whether the actions undertaken by the EU are powerful. The analysis of the operations and missions in chosen states (Somalia, Libya) shown that although the influx of migrants and refugees is lower, the changes and the influence of actions helping them to become stronger and more secure states are rather minor The conclusions comprise several thoughts which should be taken under consideration by the EU in the future in order to support European security and wealth.


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