U.S. Presidential Elections and Implied Volatility: The Role of Political Uncertainty

Author(s):  
John W. Goodell ◽  
Sami Vähämaa



2021 ◽  
pp. 2336825X2110291
Author(s):  
Vasil Navumau ◽  
Olga Matveieva

One of the distinctive traits of the Belarusian ‘revolution-in-the-making’, sparked by alleged falsifications during the presidential elections and brutal repressions of protest afterwards, has been a highly visible gender dimension. This article is devoted to the analysis of this gender-related consequences of protest activism in Belarus. Within this research, the authors analyse the role of the female movement in the Belarusian uprising and examine, and to which extent this involvement expands the public sphere and contributes to the changes in gender-related policies. To do this, the authors conducted seven semi-structured in-depth interviews with the gender experts and activists – four before and four after the protests.



Author(s):  
V.I. Denysenko

The article describes the President Yanukovych and his entourage’s actions taken to establish control over the key branches of power in Ukraine. The role of the Donetsk clan’s particular representatives, mainly AndriiKliuev and SerhiiLyovochkin, in implementing the authority concentration schemes, is explored. The context of building up the floor-crossers coalition (officially named “Stability and Reforms”) in 2010 is highlighted. The reasons for Donetsk clan choosing the non-constitutional way of seizing control over the Parliament are explained, such as: rate of action, low price of deputies’ engagement, keeping up the ideological confrontation façade with Julia Tymoshenko’s Bloc and «Our Ukraine – People’s Self-Defence» parliamentary alliance. MykolaAzarov’s cabinet (named March 11, 2010) is analyzed, with specific influential groups identified within its composition, such as MykolaAzarov’s, AndriiKliuev’s, RinatAkhmetov’sDmytroFirtash’s and Victor Yanykovych’s clientele. The quotas of Litvin’s Block, Ukraine’s Communist Party and Russian lobbies have been distinguished. The responsible assignments in security ministries data has been generalized. The fact that Victor Yanukovych’s entourage had established full actual control over top officials of the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine in the eve of the Presidential Elections 2010 decisive second ballot is emphasized. The Prosecutor General’s Office, Security Service, Foreign Intelligence, Border Police and National Security and Defense Council’s governing authorities personnel has been analyzed. Specific attention has been paid to AndriiPortnov’s role in implementing the judicial reform aimed at depriving the Ukrainian judiciary of any independence, with the Presidential Office, namely AndriiPortnov, gaining the decisive impact over its activities and preserving but formal procedures and formulas from the relatively autonomous judiciary built under Victor Yushchenko. The facts of placing pressure upon the judges voicing dissent over the reform have been revealed.



2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-219
Author(s):  
Wojciech Łysek

This article is dedicated to the attitudes of the Baltic States towards the protests in Belarus in August 2020. The analysis uses the category of a small state. It seems to best characterise the role of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in international relations. The first part of this article describes the relations of these three countries with Belarus before 2020. Then, the emphasis is put on the instruments and strategies which have been used by the Baltic States towards Belarus since the presidential elections in August 2020. The article discusses the role of a regional, expert, hidden subjectivity using multilateral formats, good services, entrepreneurial and silent diplomacy. In his considerations, the author presents the reactions of the authorities and societies. The article is based on state documents, analyses, politicians’ speeches, press materials and literature on the subject.



2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hidayansyah ◽  
Trisakti Handayani ◽  
M Syahri

ABSTRAKPemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden merupakan acara lima tahun sekali yang dilaksanakan di Indonesia, kegiatan ini sebagai wahana menyalurkan segala aspirasi masyarakat terutama dalam mempengaruhi keputusan politik, dan Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran dan partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2014 di Kota Malang, selain itu untuk mengetahui peran KPU Kota Malang dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014, dan untuk menjelaskan faktor pendukung dan penghambat partisipasi masyarakat dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014.Penelitian ini menggunakan Model penelitian deskriptif, yaitu suatu model penelitian dengan mencatat, mendeskripsikan dan menginterpratasikan peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihan umum prseiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang, dan penelitian ini menggunakan tiga teknik pengumpulan data yaitu wawancara, dokumentasi dan observasi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, diperoleh hasil bahwa peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihn umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang sangat besar. Artinya ini sesuai dengan realita dan fakta yang terjadi di lapangan, bahwa tahun 2014 partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang sangat meningkat. Hal ini didukung oleh hasil wawancara dan observasi kepada pememrintahan Kota Malang, Partai Politik dan Masyarakat Kota Malang, selain itu hal yang paling mendukung adalah hasil perthitungan suara di Kota Malang, menunjukan sebanyak 70% masyarakat Kota Malang ikut berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang.Kata Kunci : Peran KPU, Partisipasi Masyarakat.ABSTRACTGeneral election for president and vice president is an event held every five years in Indonesia. This is a program which is used for channeling the aspirations of all communities, especially in influencing political decisions. This study aims to determine the role and participation of Malang communities in the presidential and vice presidential elections 2014. Besides, this study also aims to determine the role of General Elections Commission (KPU) of Malang in general election of president and vice president in 2014, and to explain the enabling and inhibiting factors of communities’ participation in the election of president and vice president in 2014. The approach used in this study is descriptive study, which is a study model by noting, describing and interpreting the role of KPU in increasing the communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This study uses three methods in collecting the data. They are interview, documentation, and observation. Based on the result of the study, it can be concluded that the General Elections Commission has a big role in increasing communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This means that it corresponds to the reality and the facts which occurred, that in 2014 the participation of Malang communities greatly increased. This is supported by the results of the interviews and observations to the government of Malang, Political Parties in Malang and also Malang communities. Besides, the most favorable case is the result of vote counting in Malang which shows as much as 70% of people in Malang participated in the elections for president and vice president 2014 in Malang.Key words: Role of the General Elections Commissions, Communities Participations



2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-478
Author(s):  
Arindra Wigrha Pratama

Political insecurity ahead of the 2019 presidential and vice presidential election candidates often arises in the Pati Police jurisdiction. The establishment of this task force aims to minimize the occurrence of various political vulnerabilities ahead of the presidential and vice presidential elections so as not to develop into social conflict. The purpose of this study is to analyze the problems of political vulnerability that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police jurisdiction, describe and explain the role of the Nusantara Task Force in preventing the occurrence of problems of political vulnerability that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police area, and analyze the factors factors influencing the implementation of the Task Force of the Archipelago in preventing the occurrence of problems of political insecurity that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police jurisdiction. Theories used in this research are the Role Theory and Voter Behavior Theory. The concept used is the Nusantara Task Force Concept. The laws and regulations in this study are Law No. 2 of 2002 concerning the National Police and the Law. No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, as well as National Police Chief Sprin No. .: Sprin / 40 / I / 2018 Date January 8, 2018 About the Establishment of the Task Force Nusantara.



2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 1028-1044 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgios Chalamandaris ◽  
Leonidas S. Rompolis


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented



Author(s):  
Sherif Elgebeily

On 26 March 2018, Egyptians overwhelmingly voted to elect incumbent Abdel Fattah El-Sisi to another term as their President in an election where the outcome was known in advance. Any genuine competition was eliminated from the pool of candidates through arrests, media attacks, and intimidation. This chapter examines how Egypt has reached point, the implications for its future, and the role that guaranteed electoral processes of the 2014 Egyptian Constitution played in diminishing the democratic quality of elections. The chapter paper takes a three-part approach to analysing the role of the constitution in the decline of democratic principles in the 2018 Egyptian Presidential elections. Firstly, it examines the constitutional protections of eligibility criteria that exist to support the presence of multi-party candidates in presidential elections, exploring how these were abused by the Sisi administration in the run-up to the elections. Secondly, the chapter analyses the creation of election governance bodies, notably the National Elections Committee (NEC), and its malleability in support of Sisi. Finally, the chapter examines the abuse of existing state machinery in the run-up to the elections and highlights how this has undermined authentic, free elections. The chapter links the 2018 elections to subsequent developments, including the 2019 constitutional referendum which broadened even further the Sisi administration’s control over the country at the expense of constitutional protections.



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