scholarly journals Resource Windfalls, Political Regimes, and Political Stability

Author(s):  
Francesco Caselli ◽  
Andrea Tesei
2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 60-74
Author(s):  
Fazli Raheem ◽  
Shehzad Khan ◽  
Muhammad Faizan Malik

The aim of the study is to determine the factors that fluctuate the numbers of IPOs (NIPOs) issued in Pakistan from 1992 to 2017. Firstly, the study examined the impact of macroeconomic factors such as GDP, Consumer Price Index (CPI), market return, Industrial production index, market volatility, and political stability on the NIPOs. Secondly, the study determined the impact of political regimes (i.e. democratic regime and military regime) on the NIPOs. The censored Tobit regression model is used to determine the relationship between dependent and independent variables. The study found that economic growth positively influences the NIPOs over time in Pakistan; however, market returns, inflation negatively affected the NIPOs. The study further found the number of IPOs shows an overwhelming increase in the military regime, contrary to the democratic regime.


Author(s):  
Sergey Volodenkov

The purpose of this article was to identify the potential of state-corporate hybridization as one of the scenarios for the transformation of traditional political regimes. Based on the application of the methods of critical analysis and case study, the author researches the practice of adapting political regimes to the conditions of current technological transformations and the growth of the complexity of controlled socio-political systems. The results of the study allow us to confirm the hypothesis that, in order to ensure the stability and survival of national political regimes, with a high degree of probability, technologically developed states will implement scenarios of «absorption» of existing digital technologies in their own interests in order to increase their own diversity and complexity of the system of public and political administration. At the same time, the paper concludes that, in order to maintain their functionality in the new conditions of a changing technological environment, the traditional institutions of power will strive to implement the scenario of strict regulation, regulation, and restriction of the activities of global technology companies, which pose a significant threat to the political stability of the state. The alternative scenario is to integrate technological giants in state and political management processes, to include their essential resources and technologies (with subsequent implementation at a practical level) in the «smart» models of state and political management of a new type. At the same time, the author of the article expresses profound skepticism about the potential of using digital technologies in the processes of democratization of modern societies in the case of the implementation of the scenario of state-corporate hybridization, finding in digitalization a significant range of threats, risks, and challenges for contemporary social development in conditions of current technological turbulence.


Author(s):  
Hazem Sabah Ahmied

That the challenges faced by the Iraqi state since its inception were significant and influential challenges at different levels, whether political, economic, social or cultural, and it was necessary to find solutions and treatments for those challenges in order to reach a state of political stability, albeit limited, that the stages experienced by the Iraqi state Complex stages and the nature of successive political regimes were seeking to pass those stages in all ways, but the year 2003 as a state of change and transformation affected one way or another on the Iraqi state as a whole, and represented the post-2018 state of the situation to stand up to those challenges and the status of The foundations needed to be studied and evaluated realistically


Author(s):  
H.B. Patriadi

Empirically successful stories of both authoritarianism and democracy in materializing economic achievement as well as securing political stability may make some people confused in evaluating the two systems, whether they are suitable for humanism or not. There have been contested views on their virtues related to the preservation of human security as one of the most critical aspects of humanism. This study investigates which one of the two existing political regimes is more suitable for the sustainability of secured human security. Relying on the case of Indonesia, which experienced in adopting the two different political regimes, I argue that in the long run democracy is better and conducive for securing sustainable human security than authoritarianism. This study used a qualitative method enriched by diachronic approach. Keywords: authoritarianism; democracy; human security.


2016 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Caselli ◽  
Andrea Tesei

2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-276
Author(s):  
Benjamin Miller

Abstract I argue that we cannot fully understand Aristotle’s position on political stability and state preservation in the Politics with paying close attention to his Eudemian Ethics. We learn from considering the Politics and the Eudemian Ethics in concert that even ‘correct’ regimes are unstable when citizens do not possess full virtue. Aristotle introduces his formal account of the knowledge requirements for virtue in Eudemian Ethics 8.3, and he applies these knowledge requirements as an explanation for state decline in Politics 2.9 when discussing the Spartans. If we primarily focus on the Nicomachean Ethics as Aristotle’s single essential ethical work, we will not learn the lesson he intends his readers to take away from the Spartan discussion in the Politics: that virtue requires correct understanding of the hierarchy and structure of the good life. This knowledge prevents the erosion of the virtues of character and the decline of political regimes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 91-95
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Motenko ◽  
Eugenia Shyshkina

In the proposed article, on the example of the revolutionary events of 1917-1921 in Kharkiv Government, the interconnection between internal political stability and the solution of the land issue is shown. The object of the study is agrarian question as a conflict factor, which made the relations between the authorities and the population of the region more complicated. Having gained the control over the region the opposing governments had to solve not only military but also economic questions. The most difficult problem was to address the agrarian issue, as well as to determine the governments’ share in the total volume of production grown by the peasantry. To solve these problems the political regimes combined repressive actions, methods of encouraging local people’s collaboration, and information warfare. Despite the lack of the Ukrainian national political regimes’ support the agrarian population of Kharkiv Government resisted the «White» and «Red» terror and policy of War Communism. The most common forms of resistance of the peasantry in Kharkiv region were: illegal active struggle (armed uprisings, creation of rebel forces, terrorist acts), illegal passive struggle (desertion, concealment of food, sabotage of duties), legal active struggle (village meetings, peasant conferences) and legal passive struggle (refusal to work in local authorities, unwillingness to join the political party). In summing up authors pointed out that the conflict factors in the region included: the frequent change of the military-political situation, lack of reliable information in the countryside, popularity of Utopian ideas among the masses, food confiscations, terror of the repressive bodies, and spontaneity of the peasant rebellion movement.


2012 ◽  
pp. 4-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. North ◽  
J. Wallis ◽  
S. Webb ◽  
B. Weingast

The paper presents a summary of the forthcoming book by the authors and discusses the sample study of the 9 developing countries. While admitting the non-linearity of economic development they claim that the developing countries make a transition from the limited access orders (where the coalition of powerful elite groups plays a major role, that is based on personal connections and hampers free political and economic competition) to the open access orders with democratic government and efficient decentralized economic system. The major conclusion of this article is that what the limited access societies should do is not simply introducing open access institutions, but reorganizing the incentives of the elites so that to limit violence, provide economic and political stability and make a gradual transition to the open access order beneficial for the elites.


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