A Critique of the Globalization Conception of the United Nations Millennium Declaration with the Help of the Concept of the Nation State

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emre Guduk
1974 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Volgy ◽  
Jon E. Quistgard

The purpose of this research is to examine the conditions for successful United Nations elective officeholding through an interregional comparison of three types of variables. Previous studies have primarily emphasized two types of determinants. Some have suggested that behavior in the United Nations is controlled by the environment of international politics, while others have attempted to link a nation state's level of socioeconomic development to elective officeholding success. This research suggests that the legislative variable may be the most useful predictor of elective officeholding. The legislative dimension is based upon the premise that the political processes in the Organization represent a quasi-legislative system. An examination of the three types of variables led to the conclusion that legislative behavior is the most consistent predictor of elective officeholding success across regions. This finding does not negate the salience of environmental interactions or nation state attributes, but it does suggest that nation state participation in the political processes of the Organization appears to be the best predictor of officeholding success.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (6) ◽  
pp. 1126-1138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick J Mulé ◽  
Maryam Khan ◽  
Cameron McKenzie

This article explores the anti-LGBTQI (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex) campaigns’ rise to power at the United Nations (UN), nation state sovereignty (of the member states), and criminalization LGBTQI assembly and association. Emphasis is placed on how these arguments are implemented and affect the social and political landscapes of LGBTQI rights promotion. Findings from primary interviews (conducted with UN bodies, agencies, and affiliates) are critically analyzed. The article concludes by challenging the arguments posed against LGBTQI rights being taken up as human rights from a social justice perspective and social work’s role in protecting and supporting these marginalized populations in the international arena.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 366-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernst B. Haas

The established nation-state is in full retreat in Europe while it is advancing voraciously in Africa and Asia. Integration among discrete political units is a historical fact in Europe, but disintegration seems to be the dominant motif elsewhere. Cannot the example of successful integration in Europe be imitated? Could not the techniques of international and supranational cooperation developed in Luxembourg, Paris, and Brussels be put to use in Accra, Bangkok, and Cairo, as well as on the East River in New York? Or, in a different perspective, will not the progress of unity in Europe inevitably have its integrating repercussions in other regions and at the level of the United Nations even without efforts at conscious imitation?


1964 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul W. van der Veur

UNTEA served the important function of buffer between contending forces and in general accomplished a remarkably smooth transfer. In this regard the United Nations operation was a major success. The smooth transfer was achieved, however, at the cost of rights specifically guaranteed in the agreement—the rights of free speech and assembly. Furthermore, the United Nations preparatory task and responsibility in the future “act of self-determination” was minimized.It may be argued that UNTEA policy in West Irian merely reflects the weakness of the United Nations in a nation-state world. Lack of UNTEA power certainly was an important aspect. The explanation, however, is more complex. It is significant to recall that the United Nations assumed its task under severe handicaps: It was given no time for adequate recruitment and preparation; from the start it was confronted with the legitimized presence of Indonesian troops; the status of the “Papuan flag” was never mentioned in the agreement; and general Papuan primitivity along with political naïveté and schisms among the small and newly created Papuan élite influenced UNTEA's approach.UNTEA also met continuous Indonesian pressure aimed at shortening the period of its administration and weakening its authority in general. Statements by Indonesian officials cast doubt on Indonesia's willingness to adhere to the wording of the agreement. In trying to interpret Indonesian feelings it might be conceded that most Dutch-Indonesian agreements have imposed conditions which could be considered obnoxious to Indonesia. The rights of self-determination for the Papuan inhabitants—stipulated in the August 15 agreement—fall into this category.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 673-700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Maria Dellmuth

AbstractThe past decades have seen a significant expansion in the scope and authority of international organisations (IOs), raising questions about who participates and is represented in the public contestation of IOs. An important precondition for citizens to become critically involved in the public debate about an IO is that they are aware of the politics of that IO. This article sheds light on this largely unexplored issue, asking why some citizens are more aware of IOs than others. This question is examined in the context of a powerful international organisation, the United Nations Security Council. Using a multilevel analysis of citizens in 17 Asian and European countries, this article argues that citizen knowledge about the Council is shaped by economic conditions and cosmopolitan identity. Higher levels of knowledge are found among the wealthier, and there is some evidence that income inequality depresses knowledge among poorer citizens. Furthermore, citizens identifying with groups or individuals across nation-state borders are more likely to know more about the Council. The article sketches broader implications for the study of the politicisation of IOs and citizen representation in the public contestation of IOs.


Author(s):  
Pamela Ballinger

This chapter situates the story of relief to both national and foreign refugees in Italy in the immediate postwar years within the entangled internationalisms and Italian struggles to reassert and reframe sovereignty in the aftermath of defeat. Although the concept of intergovernmentalism only originated in the 1960s in the context of nascent European integration, in practice it proved a key aspect of interwar and early postwar politics. Indeed, the retrenchment after 1945 of the nation-state in the international state system gained its most obvious expression in the creation of a series of intergovernmental institutions, including the United Nations and its subsidiary agencies (such as UNRRA, the IRO, and finally the UNHCR). In the realm of refugees, these agencies quite literally mediated between the realms of the state and the international; the UNHCR's statute gave expression to this interstitial role with its requirement that aid provided by states to the displaced be distributed through nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). In addition, decolonization—which took as its goal national independence and sovereignty—reaffirmed the centrality of the statist principle undergirding the United Nations. The chapter then considers UNRRA's Dodecanese Mission and the 1947 Peace Treaty with Italy.


Author(s):  
Guy Fiti Sinclair

As much as the United Nations (UN) provided an institutional context for decolonization, decolonization itself effected a profound transformation in the legal structures and powers of the UN. This chapter argues that that transformation was understood as necessary for the construction of modern states in the decolonized world—but that the meaning and expression of modern statehood was intensely contested throughout the period of decolonization. The chapter traces a series of interconnected struggles in the early UN over the form and functions of the nation-state, each of which resulted in innovations in the institutional framework and powers of the UN. In particular, it focuses on three axes of struggle, over the meaning of self-government, the values and practices of modern government, and the import of sovereign equality.


Author(s):  
Tariq Mehmood

Barely two decades into its creation as a nation-state, Pakistan embraced a pragmatic foreign policy, least expected of a newly crafted state, grappling with how best to mark a niche within the comity of nations (Bakare, 2018). Since 1960, when its first peacekeepers were deployed to Congo, peacekeeping has been pursued vehemently as an integral part of Pakistan’s foreign policy for the fulfilment of its national interest (Bakare, 2018; Kiani, 2004; Meiske and Ruggeri, 2017; Yamin, 2017). As one of the largest Troop Contributing Countries (TCC), its peacekeeping contributions in different conflict zones, especially in Africa, cannot be underestimated. It has contributed over 200,000 troops deployed in 28 countries in 46 missions. Since the indelible and heroic contribution to the United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II ) — 1993 (Yamin, 2019), Pakistan has never relented in marking significant footprints through peacekeeping in Africa.


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