The political relationships between kingdoms of Jorda and Andarig according to Mari’s records ( before the rise of Hammurabi’s empire in Mesopotamia) العلاقات السیاسیة بین مملکتی جوردا وأن- دارج من خلال سجلات ماری (قبل قیام امبراطوریة حمورابی فیما بین النهرین).

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
pp. 342-370
Author(s):  
Heba Mohammed
2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 1123-1141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahdi Salehi

Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate whether the political connections of companies are correlated with auditor selection, audit fees and abnormal audit fees. Design/methodology/approach The research data contains 756 observations of companies listed on the Tehran Stock Exchange during 2011-2019. In this study, the relationship between companies with political relationships and the selection of a qualified auditor, audit fees and abnormal audit fees are reviewed. The regression used for test the hypotheses. Findings The results of hypotheses testing indicate that there is a positive and significant correlation between the political relationships of companies and certified auditor selection, auditing fees and abnormal audit fees. In addition, the political relationships of companies have a significant and inverse effect on the relationship between institutional ownership and auditing fee and abnormal audit fees. It was also found that there is a positive and significant correlation between companies and political relationships and abnormal audit fees. Originality/value So far several studies conducted on audit fees, however, no study conducted on the relationship of political relationship of the companies with audit fees and the results of the current study may bridge the gap in the current field.


1992 ◽  
Vol 132 ◽  
pp. 913-936 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wei Li ◽  
Lucian W. Pye

Important and busy people in all societies rely upon aides, assistants, staff associates, factotums, lackeys and personal servants, and it is no different in China. What is distinctive is the diffuse and all-purpose character of the Chinese mishu, literally “secret book” but usually translated as “secretary.” A mishu, however, is actually someone with both far broader and more personally intimate responsibilities and powers than this term suggests. Any Chinese shouzhang (leader or head) of significance will have numerous mishus, personal and/or organizational, in his service. In China's political arena there are around one million people who claim the title of mishu, and who, in shielding, guiding and doing the bidding of their masters, give a distinctive character to the political process. Mishus operate with considerable authority not just at the pinnacles of power, as aides do in most countries, but from top to bottom of both the Party and state hierarchies. Therefore, to understand how political relationships operate, how communications flow and how authority is asserted in the ranks of Chinese officialdom it is necessary to appreciate the ubiquitous role of the mishu.


Author(s):  
Paerau Warbrick

Māori election petitions to the 1876 Eastern Māori and the 1879 Northern Māori elections were high-stakes political manoeuvres. The outcomes of such challenges were significant in the weighting of political power in Wellington. This was a time in New Zealand politics well before the formation of political parties. Political alignments were defined by a mixture of individual charismatic men with a smattering of provincial sympathies and individual and group economic interests. Larger-than-life Māori and Pākehā political characters were involved in the election petitions, providing a window not only into the complex Māori political relationships involved, but also into the stormy Pākehā political world of the 1870s. And this is the great lesson about election petitions. They involve raw politics, with all the political theatre and power play, which have as much significance in today’s politics as they did in the past. Election petitions are much more than legal challenges to electoral races. There are personalities involved, and ideological stances between the contesting individuals and groups that back those individuals. Māori had to navigate both the Pākehā realm of central and provincial politics as well as the realm of Māori kin-group politics at the whānau, hapū and iwi levels of Māoridom. The political complexities of these 1870s Māori election petitions were but a microcosm of dynamic Māori and Pākehā political forces in New Zealand society at the time.


Author(s):  
Louisa Buck

The Political cartoon, by its nature, provides comment as events unfold and part of its power can be simply understood by 'the satisfaction the successful cartoon gives us simply by its neat summing up, "a momentary focus." (Gombrich 1994) Described by Punch magazine as an index of time, political cartoons can serve as important historic documents, 'Cartoons can be useful illustrations that catch the eye of the reader, but they are far more valuable as evidence of an important set of dynamic social and political relationships.' (Howells and Matson 2009). Baudelaire saw the cartoon as an art form that could find 'the fantastic in the real and conversely' depict 'the reality of the fantastic in contemporary life.' (Hannoosh 1992) In short, cartoons and caricature became an art that represented real life for real people, took the banal and made it interesting, the ugly and made it beautiful and turned the transitory and ephemeral into eternal truths.In late 2019 the political cartoonist Martin Rowson began a #draw challenge on twitter. Many cartoonists (and others) picked up the gauntlet and a large body of rapid response artworks have been created. this graphic submission includes my own work that was created in particular response to the #DrawTheCoronaVirus in collaboration with The Cartoon Museum. Also, as yet unpublished, a modernised Aesop fable strip in response to the #DrawBorisJohnson challenge; 'The Toad and the Scorpion' follows the news events unfolding in the UK during the first lockdown beginning in March 23rd 2020.In late@font-face{font-family:Cambria;panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}@font-face{font-family:font491;panose-1:0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0;mso-font-alt:Cambria;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-format:other;mso-font-pitch:auto;mso-font-signature:99592203 597701894 0 0 524289 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-parent:"";margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Cambria;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}p.MsoFootnoteText, li.MsoFootnoteText, div.MsoFootnoteText{mso-style-noshow:yes;mso-style-link:"Footnote Text Char";margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Cambria;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}span.MsoFootnoteReference{mso-style-noshow:yes;vertical-align:super;}a:link, span.MsoHyperlink{mso-style-noshow:yes;color:blue;text-decoration:underline;text-underline:single;}a:visited, span.MsoHyperlinkFollowed{mso-style-noshow:yes;color:purple;text-decoration:underline;text-underline:single;}span.FootnoteTextChar{mso-style-name:"Footnote Text Char";mso-style-noshow:yes;mso-style-locked:yes;mso-style-link:"Footnote Text";mso-ansi-language:EN-GB;}div.Section1{page:Section1;}


Author(s):  
Tom Butler

This article explores the political relationships, power asymmetries, and conflicts surrounding the development, deployment, and governance of IT-enabled sales and marketing information systems (IS) at Digital Devices, Inc. The study reports on the web of individual, group and institutional commitments and influences on the IS development and implementation processes in an organizational culture that promoted and supported user-led development. In particular, the article highlights the problems the company’s IS function encountered in implementing its ad-hoc strategies and governance policies. It will be seen that the majority of these problems occurred because of the high levels of autonomy and budgetary independence of the IT-literate, engineering-oriented business ‘communities-of-practice’ that constituted Digital Devices. The case therefore provides rare insights into the reality of IS development and IT infrastructure deployment in organizations through its in-depth description of the positive and negative influences on these processes and their outcomes.


1999 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 625-636 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Smith

Contemporary debates over liberal political theory should encourage renewed investigation of the common good, and it is appropriate to begin by interrogating Aristotle's account. Aristotle argues that injustice stands in the way of the common good. Injustice is motivated by both overgrasping for scarce external goods, such as money, honor, and power, and by excessive desires. Aristotle argues that the common good requires a reorientation away from external goods to satisfying activities that do not diminish in the sharing. He sketches an analogical account of familial and political relationships that leads us to wonder what the political conditions are for the common good. Reflecting on these conditions not only points to the strict limits of the common good but also speaks to both sides in debates over liberal theory.


2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-600 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHIRLEY V. SCOTT

AbstractThe recognized benefits to a hegemon of working through an intergovernmental organization (IGO) include legitimating its policy preferences, disseminating them with efficiency, and promoting stability. While most would agree that international law is important in this process, it is less easy to map exactly how international law fulfils this role. Using the cognitive structures of co-operation (CSC) approach to the political interpretation of multilateral treaties, this article demonstrates at a relatively low level of abstraction the way in which a constitutive treaty embeds an ideational structure integral to the political relationships within the IGO. This can serve the interests of the hegemon but may also make it difficult for the hegemon to disseminate a fundamentally changed policy should its preferences alter. This paper uses the CSC theory of treaty interpretation to trace the under-recognized role of the United States in bringing about the 1982 adoption of a moratorium on commercial whaling by the International Whaling Commission.


Islamovedenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Ignatovich Anton Evgenievich ◽  

The article reveals the features of the political relationships between Muslims and the Bel-arus authorities. Together with the Belarusian people, the Muslim Tatars have come a difficult way of statehood formation and establishment on the given territory. Since the late XX one can observe a very pronounced geopolitical context in the relation-ships of Muslim population and Belorussian authorities. The Muslim community of Belarus is subject to involvement into the spheres of influence, claiming to get global and regional leader-ship in the Muslim world. The investigation is concerned with the Muslims inhabiting Belarus. The subject of re-search deals with the Muslims in their participation in political processes. The purpose of the given article is to single out some peculiarities of political interaction between the Muslims and Belorussian authorities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Ramírez Plascencia

The advent of internet and other similar technologies has changed the traditional social and political relationships. Since 2015, in Mexico, some election wins have showed that it is possible to win without any support from the mainstream media or, indeed, without being backed by a big political party. Most of the political campaign is then developed through the social networks and digital activism. This article is mainly aimed at understanding the impact of the social networks on the design of campaign strategies, i.e., how to conciliate the interests from different actors and elites in a new hyperconnectivity context.


2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tobias Brandner

This article surveys the complex ecumenical, missionary and international church relations of Chinese Protestant Christians. It argues that the inter-church relations to other parts of Asia are overshadowed by relations to Christians in the West, thus reflecting a political preoccupation with relationships to the West. This is evidenced by an analysis of worldwide and Asian ecumenism as well as bilateral church and missionary relationships. The dominance of contacts with the West not only contradicts the idea of a multipolar world and increased South-South contacts, it also stands in contrast to the reality of growing and increasingly important Christianity in Asia. Methodologically, this paper analyses different kinds of international relations (multilateral and bilateral, inter-church and missionary) and develops a typology of different inter-church and inter-state relations to assess international church relations in Asia today. The typology shows how China's international church relations support its political relationships with its neighbours and beyond.


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