scholarly journals Eyes Everywhere: Ecological Migration and State Surveillance in the Age of Iron Man

Author(s):  
Thejas Gigy Thomas ◽  
◽  
Prasantha Kumar N.S.

In today’s society, migrants/citizens are monitored and exploited. A comprehension of the complexity of surveillance and resistance to it is crucial to guarantee a more democratic community. Disciplinary societies (in the Foucauldian context) have moved beyond the panopticon’s ecologies. Today’s monitoring is reterritorialized. Surveillance, enabled by digitalization, can adapt to any room today, but with the constant change in spaces, simply monitoring human actions would be inadequate. It is necessary to monitor both behavior and geographical place. Surveillance is also increasingly being marketed. Products are now being sold on the basis of people’s private lives. This dual aspect of surveillance connected to “safety” and “company” is well suited to the neo-liberal agenda. But monitoring also needs the supervised to participate. The States and MNCs are in a challenging situation if and when the monitored resist surveillance. Efforts are still being made by the state and its technology to properly monitor ecological migrations. This study claims that it is ecological and migration surveillance that makes Iron Man a strong avenger. Yet there are several cases in which his surveillance is inefficient through the cinematic narrative. For those already oppressed and who resist surveillance, the study would investigate these moments as flashes of optimism. This study also attempts to enunciate some of the aspects derived from works by theoreticians like Gary Marx and David Lyon. With the collective will of surveillance, unethical monitoring of ecologies and migrations imposed on us, it can be resisted to a good extent.

Author(s):  
S. Voloshchenko

The principles of scientific attribution of liturgical cyrillic manuscripts, which has been worked out by author, are examined. The thorough study of Jerusalem Ecclesiastic Typikon from the rare books and manuscripts department’s collection of Maksymovych Scientific Library of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv is conducted. The stages of manuscript attribution are analyzed, including the date identification and localization of its origins and use. The type and the title of the codex have been identificated by the analysis of book’s texts. The linguistic variant of Church Slavonic language, used for re-writing the copy, is revealed, which has helped to localize the place of creation. Detailed watermark analysis of paper, which the copy had been made of, has allowed to estimate date range of its production. The problematic ascertainment of the date of creation has been also supported by the analysis of the textual sources, studying of palaeographic peculiarities of cyrillic script book, the inner book’s decorative features. The problem of binding production date, its construction, materials and design, is formulated. The state of preservation of manuscript is analysed, which led the author to understanding the extent of book’s relevance for its readers. The history of manuscript restoration and its stages have been studied. The places of use and migration of the copy are revealed on the basis of provenance examination up till its arrival to Maksymovych Scientific Library’s rare books collection. Key words: Jerusalem Ecclesiastic Typikon, manuscript, Cyrillic manuscript, attribution, codicology, Maksymovych Scientific Library of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Modrite Pelse ◽  
◽  
Sandris Ancans ◽  
Lasma Strazdina ◽  
◽  
...  

There is no doubt that digitalization processes make positive effects on the development of a company as emphasized and evidenced by many research papers and studies. However, there are a few empirical research studies on digitalization in the public sector, particularly in public administration institutions. Therefore, the present research aims to identify and compare the level of digitalization in four national public administration institutions: the State Revenue Service, the Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs, the State Social Insurance Agency and the State Employment Agency. In Latvia, very good technical solutions and a broadband mobile Internet network are available, the number of Internet users increases all over the world every year, but are they widely used by public administration institutions to provide consumers with appropriate digital services? The State Revenue Service has reached the highest level of maturity in digitalization, and the institution has also allocated the most funds from its budget to information technologies and the maintenance of their systems. The level of digitalization is low in the State Employment Agency and the Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs. The public requires public administration services to be available digitally on a 24-hour/7day basis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-178
Author(s):  
Jely A. Galang (贾杰理)

Abstract “Undesirable” Chinese – vagrants, undocumented migrants, pickpockets, beggars, drunkards, idlers and the “suspicious” – were considered “dangerous” by the Spanish colonial government because they posed a threat to the financial and political security of the Philippines. Mostly belonging to the laboring classes, these unemployed and marginally employed individuals were arrested, prosecuted and punished for violating policies relating to registration, taxation and migration. While other forms of discipline and punishment were meted out to these “minor” offenders, the state deemed it necessary to expel them from the colony. This paper explores why and how “undesirable” Chinese were expelled from the Philippines between 1883, when the first expulsion order was issued, and 1898, when Spanish rule ended. Set in the broader political and socio-economic context of the late nineteenth century, it examines the actors, institutions and processes involved in banishing these offenders to China. Using previously underutilized archival materials, it interrogates the relations that emerged among various entities such as the state, the leaders of the Chinese community in Manila, private businesspeople, and Chinese “criminals” in terms of the expulsion process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-295
Author(s):  
Vishwambhar Prasad Sati

This study examines the types, reasons, and consequences of out-migration in the Uttarakhand Himalaya. Data were collected from secondary sources, mainly from an interim report on the status of migration in revenue villages of Uttarakhand, published by the ‘Rural Development and Migration Commission, Pauri Garhwal, Uttarakhand’ in 2018. The district-wise analysis was carried out on the types of migration, reasons for migration, age-wise migration, the destination of migrants, and migration’s consequences in terms of depopulation in rural areas. Further, a case study of a village was carried out. The study reveals that in three districts – Pauri, Tehri, and Almora, more than 10% population out-migrated after 2011. Similarly, an exodus migration took place from more than 10% of villages of the same districts. This study further shows that migration is mainly internal – from the mountainous districts to urban centers, within the districts or within the state. About 734 villages are depopulated, and in 367 villages, the population has decreased by more than 50%. Unemployment is the major problem in rural areas as more than 50% of out-migration occurred for employment. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 57-91
Author(s):  
Jennifer Erickson

This chapter explains the policies, politics, and everyday practices of the New American Services. It highlights the tensions surrounding citizenship and the role that nongovernmental (or nonprofit) organizations play in Fargo under neoliberalism by analyzing these practices in terms of the “NGOization” of refugee resettlement. The chapter defines NGOization as the proliferation of NGOs under neoliberalism as extensions, or new faces, of the state. It views NGOs from a feminist's lens, and challenges the master narrative that refugee resettlement was purely humanitarian or simply unaccountable. The chapter provides an overview of everyday resettlement practices and beliefs about resettlement staff, and how their work can be interpreted in regard to the larger social issues laid out in this book: race, citizenship, and diversity. It also talks about the Cooperative Agreement between the Government of the United States (the State Department and the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration) and VOLAGS or voluntary agencies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442094359
Author(s):  
SUZAN ILCAN

The past several decades has witnessed diverse techniques of border control and migrant experiences and negotiations of border controls. This article focusses on the spatio-temporal dimensions of border control that underscore the deceleration of migration movements and stimulate certain kinds of agency, processes that bring attention to what is referred to as the borderization of waiting. Drawing on and contributing to critical migration and border studies, the analysis first draws attention to city street protests in Syria that demanded political change, which in turn created powerful responses including the expansion of protests against the state, the circulation of fear by the state, and the movements of people out of Syria. It then demonstrates how the borderization of waiting during the 2011 Syrian civil conflict occurs at many different points along migrant journeys and encompasses not only precarity but also fear, insecurity, invisibility, and presence. This form of waiting encourages ‘agency-in-displacement,’ which involves strategizing journeys and negotiating inter-state military checkpoints, state territorial borders, and holding zones in order for people on the move to access safety and protection. The analysis draws on policy, program, and scholarly documents, and on a selection of fifty-five in-depth, interviews with Syrians, now resettled in Canada, about their experiences and negotiations of border controls during their departures from the civil conflict.


1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 345-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanford H. Kadish

The Report of the Landau Commission puts a painful question for public debate: can it ever be morally acceptable in a liberal democracy for the state to use cruel measures against a person to compel him to reveal information needed to prevent grave harms, such as the loss of lives? The question, of course, belongs to a class of questions that has baffled and divided people for generations. Are some actions inherently and intrinsically wrong, so that they may not be redeemed by the net good consequences they produce on balance? Even if this is the case in general, can it be true regardless of the enormity of the consequences? Battle lines in moral philosophy are drawn in terms of how these questions are answered. For consequentialists the morality of all actions is solely determined by their consequences, near and long term. For deontologists the morality of all actions is always determined, at least in part, by their intrinsic wrongness, so that if they are wrong they are not made right by their desirable consequences. Each side has, so it seems, an unanswerable objection to the position of the other. Deontologists ask: then you mean you are ready to declare, for example, that punishment of innocent persons may be morally justified if it is necessary to prevent crime? And consequentialists (without answering) ask in turn: then you mean that even if the life of thousands and the preservation of the basic freedoms of a democratic community depend on it, you would regard it as morally prohibited to use any force against a single innocent person?These questions are among the hardest of all hard questions. But they become even harder when they are asked in the context of a public debate over how a government should act in some immediate crisis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 323-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Steeves

Abstract The creation of new search powers in the Canadian Anti-Terrorism Act post-9/11 to make citizens more transparent to state surveillance was less a new phenomenon than an extension of preexisting tendencies to make citizens transparent to the state, so the risks they pose can be efficiently managed. However, 9/11 brought about a shift in the ways in which the Supreme Court of Canada talked about terrorism; terrorism was no longer placed on a continuum of criminal activity but was elevated to a threat to Canadian values as a whole. I argue that, paradoxically, this shift reconnected the Court to earlier discourses about privacy as an essential element of democratic governance and reinvigorated narratives around the importance of the public-private boundary to democratic relationships by situating privacy within narratives informed by social memory. From this perspective, privacy can be conceptualized as a status claim: as citizens, we are entitled to privacy because privacy is the boundary that creates right relationships between citizens and between citizens and the state. This avoids pitting privacy as an individual right against societal interests in transparency because it more fully actualizes Priscilla Regan’s call to theorize the value of privacy as a public good central to liberal democratic governance. This conception also reconnects Alan Westin’s original understanding of privacy as an element of liberal democracy to the sociological research he drew on, enriching the liberal conception of privacy by locating it in the intersubjective communication of cultural actors living in community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 610-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelley Fong

Each year, U.S. child protection authorities investigate millions of families, disproportionately poor families and families of color. These investigations involve multiple home visits to collect information across numerous personal domains. How does the state gain such widespread entrée into the intimate, domestic lives of marginalized families? Predominant theories of surveillance offer little insight into this process and its implications. Analyzing observations of child maltreatment investigations in Connecticut and interviews with professionals reporting maltreatment, state investigators, and investigated mothers, this article argues that coupling assistance with coercive authority—a hallmark of contemporary poverty governance—generates an expansive surveillance of U.S. families by attracting referrals from adjacent systems. Educational, medical, and other professionals invite investigations of families far beyond those ultimately deemed maltreating, with the hope that child protection authorities’ dual therapeutic and coercive capacities can rehabilitate families, especially marginalized families. Yet even when investigations close, this arrangement, in which service systems channel families to an entity with coercive power, fosters apprehension among families and thwarts their institutional engagement. These findings demonstrate how, in an era of welfare retrenchment, rehabilitative poverty governance renders marginalized populations hyper-visible to the state in ways that may reinforce inequality and marginality.


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