scholarly journals Going Digital Toolkit platform as a monitoring tool of the digital transformation in the Russian Federation

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 15-30
Author(s):  
Р. Е. Prokhorov

Purpose of the study. OECD «Going Digital Toolkit» is one of the tools for monitoring of the digital transformation. Platform can helps to quantify various areas of digitalization and provides a comprehensive description of the changes in the socio-economic sphere.  Despite the Going Digital Toolkit platform has the objective advantages, this tool is practically not used by Russian researchers.  The purpose of this study is to analyze the possibility of using «Going Digital Toolkit» platform as a tool for monitoring the development of the digital economy in the Russian Federation.  Materials and methods. To achieve the goal of the study, a comparative analysis of the indicators of the Going Digital Toolkit platform was carried out on the OECD countries, European Union countries and the Russian Federation. Research was carried out to:  1) identify the presence of certain indicators in the platform system in case of the analysis the Russian Federation;  2) investigate the relevance of data on indicators presented in the platform system for the Russian Federation;  3) analyze the position of the Russian Federation regarding the OECD and the EU;  4) determine reserves to achieve monitoring integrity based on Russian state statistics and other sources;  5) develop the recommendations for improving the statistics of digital transformation in the Russian Federation.  Along with the information published on the Going Digital Toolkit platform, the data of the Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat) and the data of the Ministry of Digital Development, Telecommunications and Mass Communications of the Russian Federation were used.  Results. The position of Russia can be assessed as «lagging» in comparison with the countries of the European Union and the OECD. For most indicators that characterize access and use of the Internet, e-commerce and skills, Russia does not exceed these countries. In some cases, the twofold superiority of the EU and OECD countries over the Russian Federation makes it impossible to make an optimistic forecast to correct the current situation in the near future. However, the position of Russia identified on the basis of the platform’s data does not reflect the situation in real time, which suggests positive dynamics in some of the indicators presented.  The issue of using the platform as a tool for monitoring digital transformation in the Russian Federation is debatable. The incompleteness of the information presented in Russia makes the tool impractical, however, the available information, together with the functional advantages of the analytical platform, opens up new opportunities for users.  Conclusion. The Going Digital Toolkit platform acts not only as an interactive tool for analyzing numerical values for a number of indicators, but also as a standard of a system of statistical indicators necessary for measuring processes and phenomena of digital transformation. The platform can serve as a guide for national statistical agencies in the development of relevant surveys and improve the methodological foundations of statistics in the field of information and communication technologies.  

Author(s):  
O. Shnyrkov ◽  
D. Pliushch

The article identifies the volume of underserved markets for the development of Ukraine's foreign trade with the EU. The Ukraine's export potential on the EU underserved market is analyzed. It is established that the intensification of trade relations between the Ukraine and EU is a mutually beneficial process, and export potential of Ukraine in the EU market for goods whose exports to the Russian Federation have decreased is of particular importance. The main foreign markets of Ukraine for the export of agricultural and industrial goods from Ukraine have been identified. The main commodity groups of underserved markets to the EU have been identified, the exports of which to the Russian Federation have decreased the most. According to the results of the study, it has been concluded that the underserved markets of the European Union play an important role in the development of Ukraine's trade: first, they allow reorientation of exports of Ukrainian goods, the import of which is prohibited into the customs territory of the Russian Federation, to EU markets; secondly, they help to identify directions for the modernization of Ukrainian production in accordance with the unmet needs of the European goods market. It is concluded that the process of deepening mutual trade in underserved markets in a free trade area is mutually beneficial for Ukraine and the European Union, as trading partners can benefit from increased trade flows, and establishing international partnership between the parties can bring additional benefits in the long run.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-160
Author(s):  
Vladimir S. Sinenko ◽  
Evgeniy E. Tonkov ◽  
Sergey A. Belousov ◽  
Irina S. Iskevich ◽  
Angelina V. Petergova

This article analyzes the development of the environmental insurance legislation of the European Union and the Russian Federation. The advantages of this mechanism in matters of compensation for harm caused to the environment due to environmental offenses are determined. The analysis of Directive No. 2004/35 / CE of the European Parliament and the Council of the EU on environmental responsibility, aimed at preventing environmental damage and eliminating its consequences. A comparison of Russian legislation with the norms of environmental insurance adopted in the European Union is carried out. The conclusion is formulated that environmental insurance should become a priority direction of the state natural resource policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
M.I. Yanin ◽  
◽  
D.S. Bunevich ◽  
◽  

at present, relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union are in a state of political crisis. The existing disagreements negatively affect the relations of two international players on the European continent. The article discusses the areas of interaction between the Russian Federation and the EU in the field of security, which, contrary to modern political difficulties, reflect the mutual interest of the parties. The author concludes that the joint approaches of Russia and the European Union to resolving issues related to security are a stabilizing factor in the formation of the EU–Russia dialogue in modern political realities.


Author(s):  
S. P. Mitrakhovich

The article using “A Just Russia” case deals with the party strategies of the Russian left political forces for the creation of the relations with party structures of the European Union. Similar party strategy is at the same time a part of domestic policy and development of the Russian political processes, and at the same time, they are a part of the relationship with the European Union which is built up by Russia. Consequently, that is de facto a part of foreign policy activity. The novelty of the research consists in a combination of the research approaches used in a “partology” while considering a party to be a rational actor acting in conditions of a country political environment and the research approaches accepted in modern European studies. Parties act as internal political players, but at the same time and as contractors of foreign elite, in this case — party elite of the European Union, members of party groups of European Parliament, party Internationals, “the European parties” (earlier known under the term of “party at the European level”). From the Russian parliamentary political forces of several last electoral cycles “A Just Russia”, using a discourse of modern socialism, could establish more actively than others cooperation with European left, including influencing adoption of significant decisions in the EU, for example, on reform of the EU Gas Directive and the Third Energy Package of the EU. The party, through the prism of socialist ideology, is trying to bring together certain positions of the party elites of the Russian Federation and the EU, bringing differences on social avant-garde and identity politics out of the brackets. Therefore, it focuses recently on the problems of sanctions issues, considering its communication with the Party of European socialists and socialist groups in the European Parliament as another potentially popular diplomatic track for the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (9) ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
V. Vasil'ev

The article is devoted to the analysis of the political legacy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and in what way the new German government might possibly use it dealing with the transformation of the country and modernization of the European Union. The new political coalition with possible participation of the Green Party will preserve the continuity of the German foreign policy course for strengthening the European Union, deepening the transatlantic partnership, for active cooperation between Berlin and Paris, as well as for inclusion of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic area. The European sovereignty is the main focal point in Berlin. The Conference on the Future of Europe examines it, as well as other evolution issues. The updated legal framework of the EU, feasible strengthening of the European Parliament positions could help transform the European Union into a weighty actor in the polycentric world. Only powerful, relatively sovereign EU is able to secure the “European way of life”. Judgments about the disintegration of the European Union are far from reality. The EU margin of safety and resistance are quite impressive, primarily due to the economic potential of Germany. However, it is really difficult to predict how the European Union will get out of the crisis caused by Covid 19. American concessions to the Germans on the Nord Stream 2 project mean Biden’s serious attitude towards Merkel and Germany – the leader in the EU and one of the important NATO allies. The conditions for Russia’s return to the “European club”, for example, through the revival of M. Gorbachev’s new political thinking in Moscow, indicate rather an illusory desire. There is another, more pragmatic approach. The single European cultural and historical matrix of Greater Europe, communication between the leaders of the Russian Federation, Germany, France and the USA, the economic foundation of contacts, as well as mutual sympathies between Russians, Germans, Europeans give reason to hope for a turn for the better. The chances of a unification agenda remain. Perhaps, it will be used by future generations of politicians, experts of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany without preconditions, on the basis of reasonable compromises. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement 075-15-2020-783).


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (9) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Сергей Царев ◽  
Sergey Carev ◽  
Елена Горбатенко ◽  
Elena Gorbatenko

This article discusses the most pressing problems faced by the Russian Federation in the implementation of its foreign trade policy in the framework of commodity exchange with the European Union (EU) from the standpoint of improving the management of these processes. The modern characteristics of mutually beneficial trade of the EU member States and the Russian Federation are analyzed. The most significant changes in the EU foreign trade practice are revealed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-426
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

Following the enlargement of the Union, new neighbours in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus became of great importance for the stability of Europe, which is why the EU formulated the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. Bearing in mind that Russia views this area as a sphere of its own influence, its policy has become of great importance as well as its reactions to the Union?s initiatives in this region. This geopolitical context of the Eastern Partnership became apparent with the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis. In addition to the indicated limits of an often technocratic approach to the EU, the crisis has clearly shown there is a conflict of objectives of the European Union and the Russian Federation in the common neighbourhood and raised the issue of the security and geopolitical implications of this initiative. Also, the policies and interests of the European Union and the Russian Federation affect not only Ukraine but to a greater or lesser extent the development of opportunities in all other countries involved in the EU's Eastern Partnership - Georgia, Moldova, Belarus, Armenia, and Azerbaijan.


2020 ◽  
pp. 87-91
Author(s):  
I. P. Karnachev ◽  
◽  
V. G. Nikolaev ◽  
N. K. Smirnova ◽  
P. I. Karnachev ◽  
...  

The statistical reporting system in the Russian Federation, based on the forms and indicators approved by the Federal State Statistics Service, allows monitoring current situation and dynamics of changes in occupational safety and working conditions of employees per industries and types of economic activity of production plants. At the same time, the Russian system of monitoring labor safety protection is ineffective for research, analysis, control, transmission, dissemination and use of information about the causes, circumstances and consequences of occupational injuries on the scale of a plant and a workplace. The comparison of the analysis results in the countries of the European Union and in the Russian Federation shows that focusing on reducing the number of industrial accidents by collecting detailed information allows using this information to identify the main health problems at production sites, as well as developing corrective long-term prevention programs for injuries and diseases. This should be preceded by the theoretical analysis, including development and justification of the structure of the monitoring system, as well as its strategies, goals and objectives that must be solved during implementation.


Author(s):  
Adam Ambroziak

In August 2014 the Russian Federation introduced a ban on imports of many food and agricultural products from the European Union member states, including Poland. It was the second embargo imposed on Poland after its accession to the European Union. The aim of the study is to assess the consequences of measures adopted by the Russian Federation to restrict imports of apples, one of the most important agri-food products, in 2004-2015. During the recent embargo, Poland did not limit itself, as it had been the case during the first ban in 2006-2008, to redirecting exports to Russia via Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine, but it looked for new markets, including the EU single market.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3/2) ◽  
pp. 175-179
Author(s):  
V. A. SHCHEDRIN

The article is devoted to the problem of observance of human rights  in the Russian Federation in the period from 1992 to 2000 and the  attitude of the European Union towards it. Attention is paid to the  transformation of Russian legislation and the observance of international agreements by the Russian leadership, which aspired to join the European Union. The issue of decisions taken by Russia is  especially considered: the abolition of the death penalty, respect  for the rights of minorities and the development of democratic  institutions. The question is raised about the conflict in the Caucasus  region, according to which neither the Russian Federation nor the European Union found a compromise solution. The author considers the painful issue of  bilateral negotiations between Russia and the European Union,  during which one of the priority conditions for Russia's entry into the European community of nations was the observance of human rights in the Caucasus during the internal Russian conflict. The  Caucasian question aggravated the Russian- European  contradictions, which led to the prolongation of negotiations on  Russia's accession to the EU. It is shown that the observance of  human rights for the Russian side has become a complex issue for a  number of reasons, and the European side has considered it as a  manifestation of interference in the domestic policy of the Russian  state. 


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