scholarly journals Party funding regulation in Poland (1990–2015): an appraisal

Politologia ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 47-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Casal Bértoa

In the second half of 2015 Poland held a referendum in which voters were asked to give their opinion on the way party funding was regulated. Of those 7.8 percent of voters who turned out at the polls, only 17.4 percent voted in favour of the system of public funding in force at the time. Taking into consideration such a “negative” social opinion regarding the Polish regime of party funding, this article examines how political party funding (bothpublic and private) is regulated in Poland, how it has changed over time, and how it could be developed. The main conclusion is that even if the current regime is better than the one existing before 2001, there is still much room for improvement.

2006 ◽  
Vol 121 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Alysen

In the 50 years of Australian television, the one constant in the nightly schedule has been the news. The story of television news is usually told from the perspective of the news consumer. Even when the set of professional practices that produce news is analysed, the frame used is usually that from in front of the box rather than behind the camera and microphone. The result is that the process of reporting and the way it has changed over time has been given less attention than it deserves. Now, as the medium continues the transition from analogue to digital, Australian television news reporting is undergoing a series of shifts — in its methods of delivery and the tasks that reporters perform. These changes affect the nature of journalistic practice, which in turn bears on the product audiences receive.


2019 ◽  
pp. 153-177
Author(s):  
Deepak Nayyar

This chapter shows that governments performed a critical role, ranging from leader to catalyst or supporter, in the economic transformation of Asia spanning half a century, while their willingness and ability to do so depended on the nature of the state, which in turn was shaped by politics. It argues that the state and the market are complements rather than substitutes and that the two institutions must adapt to each other in an interactive co-operative manner over time. Success at development in Asia was about managing this evolving relationship between states and markets, by finding the right balance in their respective roles, which also changed over time. This experience suggests that efficient markets and effective governments, in tandem, provided the way forward to development. It is only institutionalized checks and balances that can make governments more development-oriented and people-friendly. Thus, for Asia’s continuing journey in development, democracy is clearly better than the alternatives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 152-160
Author(s):  
Joseph W. Pearson

So what happened to the Whigs? The antebellum political party died a slow death from 1845 to 1854. First, President James K. Polk provoked a morally bankrupt war with Mexico in 1845, annexing Texas, and extending the nation’s borders to California’s Pacific coastline along the way. The addition of so much new territory so quickly drove questions about slavery that moderate Whigs and Democrats alike had dodged for thirty years from the abstract into the public square. On the one hand, many Americans (mostly northern and middle western, mostly Whiggish) argued that slavery should not spread to any new states formed from the territories stolen from Mexico. To the contrary, many other Americans (mostly southern, mostly Democratic) argued that slaves were a legitimate form of constitutionally protected property that could not legally be excluded from territory won using the common treasury and national armies. The discovery of gold in California in 1849 only added fuel to the partisan fire because it inspired so many people to head west in search of fortune, hastening that state’s ability to meet the demographic requirements for admission to the Union, and forcing the country at large to grapple with questions for which it was unprepared. Thus, the contest was joined over the central issue that was to dominate all American political life for the next dozen years, namely, the disposition of the territories. For the moment, moderates who desperately longed for a compromise that might stifle the underlying issue of slavery held the majority. However, it is a truism that happens to be true that, in crises of this sort, extremists grow in power, swallowing up all political space in the conciliatory center....


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Rossella Moscarelli

The analysis of the economic dimension relating to the Way of St. James is confronted in a double reflection. On the one hand, the intention is to reconstruct the public funds that have supported the project to relaunch the Way over the years. On the other hand, we discuss one of the impacts of the route on the territory - that relating to economic development following the “second coming” of tourism. The analysis of both aspects shows rather unexpected results. In the first case it is shown how slow tourism projects can be real priority axes on which to concentrate large public funds. The second calls into question the effective ability of a path, albeit with significant tourist flows, to activate demographic recovery and to improve economic conditions. However, the need is discussed to investigate the question in greater detail which, if analyzed in the various parts, really shows the importance, not only economic, that the process of development of the Way has entailed for the territory it passes through.


Author(s):  
Alejandro Pérez Carballo

On a view implicitly endorsed by many, a concept is epistemically better than another if and because it does a better job at ‘carving at the joints’, or if the property corresponding to it is ‘more natural’ than the one corresponding to another. This chapter offers an argument against this seemingly plausible thought, starting from three key observations about the way we use and evaluate concepts from an epistemic perspective: that we look for concepts that play a role in explanations of things that cry out for explanation; that we evaluate not only ‘empirical’ concepts, but also mathematical and perhaps moral concepts from an epistemic perspective; and that there is much more complexity to the concept/property relation than the natural thought seems to presuppose. These observations, it is argued, rule out giving a theory of conceptual evaluation that is a corollary of a metaphysical ranking of the relevant properties.


Author(s):  
Kealeboga J. Maphunye ◽  
Kgobalale N. Motubatse

Globally, the topic of political party funding evokes strongly defended positions, partly because of the nasty dynamics that usually arise whenever money and politics cross paths. The primary issue in contention is whether to institute mandatory disclosure legislation, legally compelling parties to reveal their sources of funding, and the likely consequences of such disclosure. Alternatively, a laissez-faire approach may be adopted to party funding, and to determine which parties to exclude from state or public funding. In South Africa, these issues routinely raise public outcry and result in emotive debates pertaining to the expenditure of public finance and accountability. Thus, this article explores contemporary issues on political party funding in South Africa, focusing on recognised parties and examining their sources of funding. This article examines recent media reports on allegations of a lack of accountability on the part of political parties, particularly their apparent reluctance to disclose their sources of funding. It seeks to contribute to the debate on party funding in South Africa, through the use of a qualitative research method using content analysis. The authors contend that officially recognised parties should be audited by a Supreme Audit Institution (the Auditor General South Africa, locally) prior to tabling their annual reports in Parliament. The article concludes that such audit responsibility should not be given to private audit firms in order to avoid possible conflicts of interest, as some audit firms and individual employees may also be funders of some of the political parties.


Author(s):  
V.V. Dzhugan

The article analyzes the doctrinal approaches to the definition of "financing of political parties", its relationship with such related concepts as "financial activities of the party", "financial support of political parties", "financing of political activities". While in the legislation of Ukraine there is no definition of the concept of "financing of political parties", in the scientific literature various interpretations of this concept are offered. Some approaches do not take into account the fact that the provision of funds to parties must take place in accordance with the requirements of current legislation, which establishes the procedure, limits and amounts of funding for political parties. Another disadvantage of these definitions is that they do not reflect the role of public authorities in relation to both the financing itself and in relation to the implementation of state control over the financing of political parties. Other definitions do not reflect the role of political parties themselves in their funding. The synthesis of the obtained results allowed to offer an improved concept of "financing of political parties" as carried out in the manner and within the statutory activities of political parties, public authorities, individuals and legal entities, aimed at providing political parties with financial and other resources subject to financial evaluation. and what political parties need to achieve their goals and objectives. It is necessary to distinguish between the financing of the current (statutory) activities of political parties and the financing of their participation in elections. At the same time, the study and comparison of political party funding through the prism of analysis of sources of such funding is more productive and allows a broader and more comprehensive consideration of the peculiarities of political party funding in individual countries through analysis of their legislation. Therefore, it is necessary to support the validity of the position on the division of funding of political parties into types depending on the source of funds (property): self-financing (entrance and membership fees, income from party property, income from illicit economic activities), private (private donations) and public funding of political parties


Author(s):  
Katherine Demuth

Children’s early word productions are highly variable in form. However, much of this variability is systematic for a given speaker, exhibiting an interaction between segments on the one hand, and syllable and word shapes on the other. Over time, all three increase in complexity, becoming more adult-like, with interactions between them along the way. Some early word realizations take a disyllabic shape commonly found across languages. However, there are also language-specific patterns of word production that begin to be found as early as the babbling stage of development. This process can be nicely captured in terms of the Prosodic Hierarchy, where the child’s phonological grammar gradually unfolds, becoming more complex over time. This view of phonological development provides a framework for better understanding both the nature of within-speaker variability, as well as the course of phonological (and morphological) development cross-linguistically.


2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerrit Antonides ◽  
Sophia R. Wunderink

Summary: Different shapes of individual subjective discount functions were compared using real measures of willingness to accept future monetary outcomes in an experiment. The two-parameter hyperbolic discount function described the data better than three alternative one-parameter discount functions. However, the hyperbolic discount functions did not explain the common difference effect better than the classical discount function. Discount functions were also estimated from survey data of Dutch households who reported their willingness to postpone positive and negative amounts. Future positive amounts were discounted more than future negative amounts and smaller amounts were discounted more than larger amounts. Furthermore, younger people discounted more than older people. Finally, discount functions were used in explaining consumers' willingness to pay for an energy-saving durable good. In this case, the two-parameter discount model could not be estimated and the one-parameter models did not differ significantly in explaining the data.


2008 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Passini

The relation between authoritarianism and social dominance orientation was analyzed, with authoritarianism measured using a three-dimensional scale. The implicit multidimensional structure (authoritarian submission, conventionalism, authoritarian aggression) of Altemeyer’s (1981, 1988) conceptualization of authoritarianism is inconsistent with its one-dimensional methodological operationalization. The dimensionality of authoritarianism was investigated using confirmatory factor analysis in a sample of 713 university students. As hypothesized, the three-factor model fit the data significantly better than the one-factor model. Regression analyses revealed that only authoritarian aggression was related to social dominance orientation. That is, only intolerance of deviance was related to high social dominance, whereas submissiveness was not.


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