scholarly journals The Politics Of Information On Traditional Medical Practices In Bandung Barat

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-165
Author(s):  
Rully Khairul Anwar ◽  
Agus Rusmana ◽  
M. Taufiq Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Traditional Medicine ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Information Distribution ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Medical Practitioners ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
The Government ◽  
Data Collection Technique

This study examines the politics of information within organizations or groups of traditional medical practitioners in West Bandung Regency of West Java Province. The political process of information here includes the activities of how the government implements information policies in relation to traditional medicine. The study also learned how traditional medicine groups respond to public policy on traditional medicine. The method used is qualitative with data collection technique through observation, interview, documentation, and literature study. The results show that there is local politics of information distribution activity in West Bandung society marked by the existence of the managers of traditional medicine, patients, the government with its regulations, and other politics of information distribution activities that led to the maintenance of science and traditional medical services. It is clear that the main reason for the politics of information to exist was economic.

Conflict and Conflict Alliances in the Kgatleng District of Botswana

1978 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-494 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Wiseman
Keyword(s):  
Local Group ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Fundamental Fact ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Key Variables ◽  
The Government

Following the useful distinction made by Marc J. Swartz this is a study in ‘local-level’ rather than ‘local’ politics, because of the fundamental fact that ‘actors and groups outside the range of the local multiplex relationships are vitally and directly involved in the political processes of the local group’.1 The political process is therefore not discrete. My focus is on the interrelationships existing between political forces within and outside the Kgatleng District of Botswana, and my analysis deals with the situation as it existed during the early 1970s; changes in certain key variables – most crucially the attitude of the Chief to the Government – could radically alter the configuration of alliances, as may be seen from my postscript.

Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Better Than

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.

Het publiek in de tribune : vormen van politieke informatie

Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-470
Author(s):  
Guido Dierickx
Keyword(s):  
Social Problems ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Discriminating Power ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Rules Of The Game

This contribution should be seen as an attempt to retrieve information from restcategories, such as «does not know» and «no answer».  From these, and from other data as well, we constructed 10, mostly summating, indexes of political ignorance. Among them is an index of objective ignorance, that is about political events, persons and situations.  The others aim at more subjective dimensions. Does the respondent feel informed about the political process : about government and party performance, partisan congeniality, modalities of voting, local politics social problems, political issues ?There seems to be some evidence in favor of the following hypotheses.1. The indexes tend to compensate each other: respondents who score low on one index, do not necessarily score low on the next one.2. I t is difficult to ascertain the validity of an index of objective ignorance. Moreover it does by no means express all the (relevant) dimensions of political information.3. A mong indexes of subjective ignorance one should distinguish between «policy» and «political» information ; the latter seems to refer to a situation where strictly political rules of the game, a.o. those of political conflict, prevail.4. Of all indexes the «political issues» index showed the most discriminating power, as well as the most expected associations.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

scholarly journals Kualitas Publikasi Laporan Keuangan Perguruan Tinggi Swasta Terhadap Kepatuhan Kewajiban Pajak Penghasilan Badan

Wahana ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-32
Author(s):  
Suwardi Suwardi
Keyword(s):  
Private Universities ◽  
Financial Statements ◽  
Financial Statement ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Research Use ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
The Government ◽  
Data Collection Technique

Private Universities that were established by society through nonprofit institution have autonomy in managing their finances. Autonomy gives rise to the diversity of Private Universities’ financial statement. The government provides a tax exemption facility for the remnant of nonprofit institutions engaged in education with certain conditions, regulated by PMK 80/PMK.03/2009. This research was conducted to analyze the effect of the quality of the financial statements of Private Universities  on the execution of the tax exemption facility. Research was conducted by literature study method. The result of the research shows that the quality of the Private Universities’ financial statements  affect the execution of PMK 80/PMK.03/2009. Therefore, financial statements standardization and remnant recording regulation for Private Universities is needed, in order to optimizing the execution of the tax exemption facility given to educational institutions and to make sure the facility is given appropriately. The data collection technique used is literature study. This research use qualitative methods  in analyzing data and facts about private universities’ management and the taxation policies of non-profit organizations.

The Philippines in 2018: a Year of Disruption and Consolidation

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 100-123
Author(s):  
Arjan Aguirre
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Midterm Elections ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Speaker Of The House ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
Philippine Politics

Abstract 2018 is a year of so much uneasiness and tension in Philippine politics. It saw one of the greatest crises in the Supreme Court, the bloodiest period in local politics of late, and successive attempts to silence critics of the president and the government. This year also witnessed major political alignments in the Duterte administration: a change in the leadership of the Senate, the election of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo as Speaker of the House, the rivalry between Hugpong ng Pagbabago and Partido Demokratiko ng Pilipinas-Lakas ng Bayan, and the eventual termination of the alliance with the radical left. This review aims to understand these developments in Philippine politics. It seeks to know why are there so many rifts and shifts in the political rule of Duterte. These changes can be interpreted as part of an ongoing transition toward democratic regression under the Duterte regime. The disruptive events that ensued throughout the year should be understood as the offshoot of the extant efforts to alter the political status quo since the election of Duterte in 2016. The administration uses these events to consolidate its power by rallying its supporters for the 2019 midterm elections and reconfiguring the alignments within the Duterte bloc.

scholarly journals PENDIDIKAN KEAGAMAAN PADA KOMUNITAS MUSLIM INDONESIA DI HONG KONG

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudy Harisyah Alam
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Religious Education ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Educational Service ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Female Workers ◽  
Bargaining Position ◽  
The Government ◽  
Data Collection Technique

This writing is a result of research on Religious Education of Indonesia Moslem Community in Hong Kong,to find out which institutions and whatcharacteristics become providers of the religious education for Indonesian Moslem community in Hong Kong. This research uses explorativequalitative approach by data collection technique through a combination between individual and group interview technique, field observation, as well as document and literature study. The result of this study shows: firstly, almost a half of the Moslem community in Hong Kong is Indonesian Moslem community, they are generally come from migrant workers in non-formal sectors (such as maid) which in social, political and economicalaspect they have a weak bargaining position in their life in Hong Kong. Secondly, the Indonesian Moslem Community in Hong Kong generallyconsists of female workers and they are not allowed taking their children or family with them, their immediate needs are guidance and educational service on religion for their own needs in the form of a non-formal religion educational service. The need on education and religion are obtainedby establishing religious groups, associations or organizations which in general are not registered as an official organization in the Government of Hong Kong. Thirdly, they regularly strive to meet their needs on religious guidance and education by holding a routine group religious guidance heldSundays, as the day is holiday which in general is granted to the majority of Indonesian workers.tulisan ini merupakan hasil penelitian tentang Pendidikan Keagamaan pada Komunitas Muslim Indonsesia di Hong Kong, yang bertujuan untuk mengetahui institusi-institusi dan karakteristik apa yang menjadi penyedialayanan pendidikan keagamaan komunitas muslim Indonesia di Hongkong. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif-eksploratif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui mengombinasikan teknik wawancara individualdan kelompok, observasi lapangan, serta studi dokumen dan literatur. Hasil setudi ini ditemukan antara lain: pertama, hampir separuh dari komunitas muslim di Hong Kong adalah kaum muslim Indonesia, umumnya mereka berasal dari kalangan pekerja migran pada sektor non formal (pembantu rumah tangga) yang secara sosial, politik dan ekonomi tidak memiliki daya tawar yang kuat dalam kehidupan di negara Hong Kong. Kedua, Komunitas muslim Indonesia di Hong Kong umumnya adalah pekerja wanita dan tidak diperkenankan membawa anak atau keluarga, kebutuhan mendesak yang mereka hadapi adalah layanan bimbingan dan pendidikan agama bagi diri  mereka sendiri, berupa layanan pendidikan keagamaan non-formal. Kebutuhanpendidikan dan keagamaan diperoleh dengan cara membentuk kelompok, perkumpulan atau organisasi keagamaan yang umumnya tidak terdaftar  sebagai organisasi resmi pada pemerintah Hong Kong. Ketiga, secara regulermereka berupaya memenuhi kebutuhan akan bimbingan dan pendidikan keagamaan melalui pengajian rutin yang diadakan setiap hari minggu, sesuai waktu libur yang umumnya tersedia bagi mayoritas pekerja Indoensia.

scholarly journals Tinjauan Kritis Politik Dinasti di Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
Djoni Gunanto
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Analysis Model ◽  
Track Record ◽  
The Government ◽  
Dynastic Politics ◽  
Data Collection Technique ◽  
Recruitment And Selection

Abstract In the body of political parties in Indonesia, it cannot be denied that there are oligarchies that can affect the nomination and candidacy mechanisms so that they do not work as they should. nomination of candidates by political parties is often based on the wishes of the political party elite, not based on the quality and integrity of the candidates. Political dynasties strengthen networks of power from the regional to the central level, whose orientation is to maintain power within political parties. The purpose of this research is to reveal comprehensively about the developing political dynasties in Indonesia. This research method is a literature review study, by exploring legal products, journals, articles, and documents. The data collection technique is done by noting literature sources. The research analysis was carried out using a qualitative approach using the content analysis model. The results of the study, political dynasties in Indonesia were carried out in two ways: by design and by accident. The political dynasty by design has been around for a long time. Relatively, the network of familism in government is already strong, so that relatives who enter the government or participate in political contestation have been arranged in such a way as to engineer the success of their goals. As for the political dynasty by accident occurs in a situation of succession of government which suddenly nominates relatives to replace them in order to maintain informal power over their successors if they win in political contestation. Dynastic politics can actually be accepted and not questioned as long as the recruitment and selection system for candidates in political contestation in Indonesia runs fairly and professionally. Therefore, the determination of candidates or candidates in political contestation in Indonesia must be based on a meritocratic system, which gives more rights to anyone with good achievements and track records to occupy strategic seats in government. Keywords: Politics, Dynasty, Candidate, regional elections Abstrak Di tubuh partai politik di Indonesia tidak dapat dipungkiri adanya oligarki yang dapat mempengaruhi mekanisme pencalonan dan kandidasi sehingga tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. pencalonan kandidat oleh partai politik seringkali seringkali berdasarkan keinginan elit partai politik, bukan berdasarkan kualitas dan integritas calon. Dinasti politik memperkuat jaringan kekuasaan mulai dari tingkat daerah hingga pusat, yang orientasinya mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam tubuh partai politik. Tujuan penelitian, ini untuk mengungkap secara komprehensif tentang dinasti politik yang berkembang di Indonesia. Metode Penelitian ini merupakan studi literature review, dengan menelusuri produk hukum, jurnal, artikel, dan dokumen-dokumen. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mencatat sumber literatur. Analisis penelitian dilakukan menggunakan pedekatan kualitatif dengan menggunakan model analisis isi. Hasil Penelitian, Dinasti politik di Indonesia dilakukan dengan dua cara: by design dan by accident. Dinasti politik by design telah terbentuk sejak lama. Secara relasi, jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sudah kuat, sehingga kerabat yang masuk dalam pemerintahan atau terjun dalam kontestasi politik sudah diatur sedemikian rupa untuk merekayasa keberhasilan tujuannya. Adapun dinasti politik by accident terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan informal erhadap penggantinya jika menang dalam kontestasi politik Kesimpulan. Politik dinasti sejatinya bisa diterima dan tidak dipersoalkan selama dalam pelaksanaan sistem perekrutan dan pemilihan calon dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia berjalan secara adil dan profesional. Oleh karenanya, penentuan calon atau kandidat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia harus didasarkan pada sistem meritokrasi, yakni memberikan hak lebih kepada siapapun yang memiliki prestasi dan track record yang baik untuk menduduki kursi-kursi strategis dalam pemerintahan. Kata Kunci: Partai, Politik, Dinasti, Kandidat, Pilkada

scholarly journals The Political Process in the Preparation of Public Policy A Case Study on the Preparation of the Constitution of Oil and Gas in the Republic of Indonesia’s House of Representatives

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-111
Author(s):  
Julizar Idris ◽  
Abdul Hakim ◽  
Sarwono Sarwono ◽  
Bambang Santoso Haryono
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Abstract Public policy formulation as a political process is a dynamic formulation of policies involving many actors, ranging from the executive, legislative, academic, to non-governmental organizations. The purpose of this study was to find out the political process of drafting the Oil and Gas Law and determine the model for the formulation of the Oil and Gas Law in the Republic of Indonesia’s House of Representatives. This research method uses a qualitative approach, through observation, in-interview techniques and documentation of secondary data in the process of collecting data. Data analysis using the Interactive Model method by Miles & Huberman's. The results of the study indicate that the political process of drafting the Constitution of Oil and Gas takes place in the following stages: planning, drafting and discussion. Politically, the planning of the Constitution of Oil and Gas comes from several sources: (1) the bill from the President; (2) the bill from the House of Representatives; and (3) the bill from the Regional Representative Council. The long political process in the public policy formulation in the House of Representatives starts from the process of inventorying input from factions, commissions, and the public to be determined as a Legislative Body decision, then the decision is to be consulted with the Government; afterwards, the results of the consultation are reported to the Plenary Session to make the decision.

Prime Ministers of the Russian Empire as Appraised by the Rights (1905 – the first half of 1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 273-311
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Head Of Government

The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.

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