lnfluences des modifications de la loi électorale communale

Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 475-189
Author(s):  
Henri Breny

The technical changes in the local-elections law that were recently implemented have only had a negligible effect on the electoral results.  As a matter of fact they did not bring about any change in the two major evils that beset local elections in Belgium. These are indeed dominated by a particular system (Imperiali) of allocation of seats that systematically deviates from proportional representation and is heavily resented as such by a considerable part of the public opinion. The recent modifications allow a voting method (the multiple vote) that wilt - from now on and increasingly so in the future - give a possibility to particular factions that are slightly stronger within a certain party to conquer a far more than proportional share of the party seats andmight well come close to the total number of seats allocated to a certain party. It is indeed the democratic nature of the electoral system in Belgium that is at stake here.

wisdom ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Hovhannes Hovhannisyan ◽  
Hasmik Hovhannisyan ◽  
Astghik Petrosyan

The research study was conducted in two stages, in 2015 and 2016 from March 15 to April 15 utilizing the method of formalized interview.  Each phase of the survey involved 560 Yerevan residents. As the results of the research come to prove, the mosaic of the public perception and the psychological reflection of the phenomenon of the Armenian Genocide is very sophisticated. The moods of regret, pain, depression, declining moods, complaint, wrath, revenge, hope and optimistic views for future are intertwined and bound together. These moods and feelings appear next to each other and quickly alternating.According to the results of both 2015 and 2016 surveys the moods of overcoming pain, faith and hope, optimistic attitude towards the future (91.4%) are dominant over complaint, anger, revenge, struggle for compensation (85.5%) and regret, pain, depression, declining moods (69.6 %).The indicators of the moods and feelings of the first and second groups are generally stable. In this connection both studies in 2015 and 2016 recorded similar results. However, the indicators of the following moods decreased from 76.2% to 69.6%: regret, pain, depression, declining moods, the manifestations of the complex of a victim. The indicator of more intense expression of such moods dropped from 47.2% to 35.6%.The authors explain such change by the influence of three internal and external political factor groups.


The article examines the first approbation of the Electoral Code on the material of the 2020 local elections in the Kharkiv region. The authors pay special attention to the effects of open lists systems and the degree of influence of preferential votes on the personal distribution of seats in local councils. The article calculates the percentage of voters who used the right of preferential votes in all 14 constituencies and main party lists. We argue that according to the indicators of the use of the preferential vote right and the percentage of invalid ballots, the voters of the Kharkiv region demonstrated a high degree of adaptive readiness for the new electoral system. The article analyzes the effects of blocking mechanisms incorporated in the electoral system, which reduced the influence of preferential votes of voters and retained the control of the party leadership over the personal distribution of mandates in the councils. The ratio between the seats from the district lists and the unified closed party lists was quantified (based on election results for the regional council and 17 city councils of the region). The article analyzes the intensity of changes in the ballot position of candidates in the district lists on regional council elections. We demonstrate that only 20% of seats were received by candidates placed by the party leadership in a “no-pass” ballot position. The article argues that the electoral formula introduced in the 2020 local elections did not work as a system with open lists proportional representation. According to the statistics of the personal allocation of seats in the newly elected councils, this model seems to be something in between the systems of flexible and closed lists. In this regard, the article develops new arguments in the debate on how the norms of electoral legislation reduce the role of preferential votes of voters and proposes recommendations for amending the Electoral Code.


Author(s):  
Ceren Yegen

Voters in a democracy contribute to the governance process and mediate the legitimacy of equality and pluralism. This is of great importance in terms of understanding and legitimizing the true meaning of democracy. In the last decade, Turkey has experienced many elections. Local elections on March 31, 2019 were very important. They were quite different in terms of the presentation of political parties and their candidates in the media because both politicians and the public ascribed a lot of meaning to these elections. Therefore, the media showed great interest in the March 31, 2019 local elections, frequently featuring public opinion polls, election campaigns, and political statements that informed voters in real time. This chapter examines the media content of the March 31, 2019 elections.


Comunicar ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandra Walzer-Moskovic

During the last years, Spain pased thrugh a gradual and persistent deterioration of TV´s contents. The public TV (RTVE) reform, the creation of an Autroregulation Commission in November 2004 and the growth of the discontent shown by certain sectors of the public opinion, conform a new panorama and are an excellent opportunity for the future of our television, our society, our education and our culture. Those who have struggled many years for a television serving people´s education, have now not only the opportunity to claim an educational TV in a general sense, but an educational TV in a strict sense. En los últimos años se ha vivido en España un proceso gradual, constante y persistente de deterioro de los contenidos televisivos. La oferta programática se ha transformado en una suerte de espejo maléfico en el que las cadenas se han observado entre sí para copiarse. El resultado ha sido el esperable: en cualquiera de ellas puede verse más de lo mismo, aunque con leves variaciones respecto de los modelos originariamente calcados. Los espectadores han respondido de forma diversa a este estado de cosas: a veces con complacencia y a veces alimentando en secreto el anhelo de que esa televisión autorreferencial y enamorada de sí misma, acabe estrellándose –como Narciso– contra su propia imagen. La Ley de Reforma de la Televisión Pública Estatal (RTVE), la creación de una Comisión Mixta de Autorregulación de Contenidos Televisivos e Infancia hacia finales de 2004 y el crecimiento del malestar manifestado por ciertos sectores de la opinión pública, contribuyen a dibujar un panorama que deja ver una oportunidad magnífica para el futuro de nuestra televisión, de nuestra sociedad, nuestra educación y nuestra cultura. Quienes desde hace años bregan por una televisión de calidad al servicio de la ciudadanía y de la educación no pueden silenciarse ahora. Es que si el estado paupérrimo de los contenidos, la procacidad y el griterío reinantes hacían reclamar una televisión con unos contenidos que sean pro-educativos, en términos generales, ahora parece que llega el momento propicio para dar un paso más y pensar en una televisión educativa en términos estrictos. Si bien es cierto que aun queda mucho por hacer y que los mercaderes no desean ceder ni un ápice en lo que ellos consideran que es la esencia de su negocio; si bien es cierto que para grandes sectores asociar lo televisivo con lo educativo parece un despropósito, es necesario empezar a hablar de una televisión educativa en términos específicos. En un contexto social en el que lo educativo parece estar afectado por el descrédito y el desprestigio, las televisiones privadas se aferran con uñas y dientes a su parcela de negocio. Sin embargo, conociendo las variables que están en juego, es imprescindible entender que este momento es histórico y de oportunidad. En este trabajo se pretende exponer algunas reflexiones que tienen la vocación de situar ejes que permitan pensar en una televisión que no se encastille en una defensa sistemática de la exclusión de lo educativo y que restituya, aunque sea en una medida modesta, la misión educativa de las industrias culturales y de la televisión en particular. Para ello será necesario transitar, también, por los nuevos derroteros de lo educativo en nuestras sociedades.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 542-546
Author(s):  
Sara R. Rinfret ◽  
Justin Angle ◽  
Samuel Scott ◽  
Daisy Ward ◽  
Kaixuan Yang ◽  
...  

ABSTRACTFor decades, political and private polling operations have informed about the public’s perceptions regarding a range of topics. In particular, universities (e.g., Marist and Quinnipiac) provide noteworthy research to inform and predict the outcomes of US elections. Yet, what role do our classrooms play in advancing the public opinion polling skills of our students? This article uses experiential learning as a descriptive framework to illustrate how a yearlong, immersive, and student-led public opinion polling experience, the Big Sky Poll, advances students’ social-science and data-fluency skills. Our findings suggest important insights into the future of public opinion polling from the vantage point of a rural Western state, which can be replicated in other academic institutions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Jacky Yaakov Zvulun

Voter turnout in local and general elections is a key element in measuring citizen participation. From 2004, New Zealand local elections were unique in that local councils had the choice of two different electoral systems: plurality majority and proportional representation. We have here the opportunity to study more about New Zealand local elections and changes in electoral systems. This article analyses the impact of the "Single Transferable Vote” electoral system in those councils that adopted it, comparing it to those councils which used "First Past the Post". This article explains how the STV electoral system has not increased voter turnout and was not the cause of low voter turnout in the 2004-2007 local elections. It might, however, offer voters a better way to choose their preferences.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Reig ◽  
Ramona Schoder

Prediction markets are viewed as the most accurate instrument for collective forecasts. However, empirical studies, mostly based on political elections, deliver mixed results. An experimental study was conducted to avoid certain biases and problems and to better control conditions of eliciting information from individuals. One typical problem is for example comparing prediction markets that focus on judging the public opinion in the future with polls asking for individual election preferences at a certain point of time. Therefore, our study compared forecast accuracy between prediction markets and a simple survey for the same forecasting item.The results showed roughly the same accuracy for all employed methods with the survey delivering slightly better results at lower costs, which was surprising. The experiments demonstrated also that it is possible to gain highly accurate forecasts with a relatively small number of participants (6-17) taking part continuously.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radek Buben ◽  
Karel Kouba

AbstractChoosing the type of electoral system in new democracies has become a contested issue for social scientists as well as for political actors. Contrary to the state of the public debate on the issue, the article advances the position from a multidisciplinary standpoint (political science, historical sociology, economics) that proportional representation with large districts and closed lists performs better on a variety of key indicators. We review recent literature on the performance of electoral systems especially in post-communist and Latin American democracies. The article identifies the centripetal theory of democracy as a normative basis for our institutional prescriptions and discusses how distinct types of political representation relate to the debate on electoral systems. We focus especially on four main concerns commonly associated with proportional representation (the rise of “extremist” parties, government instability, party system deconsolidation, and corruption and clientelism). Contrary to much of the public debate on electoral systems, we conclude that further steps towards personalization (by opening lists or reducing district magnitude) are not advisable.


10.4335/49 ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanda Vrhovac ◽  
Irena Bačlija

In a democratic political system, electoral participation is regarded as a fundamental medium of political self-realisation and as the most straightforward expression of the public opinion of citizens. Voter participation in elections is one of the most characteristic indicators of authority legitimacy. The higher voter participation, the higher legitimacy of a political system will be. However, in the last few decades, we have been witnessing a distinct trend toward the decline in voter turnout in the world and in our country. The purpose of our paper is to examine the trend of electoral behaviour in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, and to confirm the assumption that electoral abstention has begun to increase also in the City Municipality of Ljubljana. On the basis of an empirical research, we want to operationalise some aspects of the theoretical origins of the reasons for abstention from elections to identify the indicators that could clarify the decline in voter turnout. KEY WORDS: • local elections • electoral abstention • voter turnout trend • Ljubljana • capital of Slovenia • city municipality


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 101-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Ćurko

In Joyce’s novel A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man the representation of the Irish nation is closely interwoven with that of Irish women. Two groups can be distinguished among the women and girl characters: the women who are a symbol of authority and those who embody desire. Stephen’s mother and Dante Riordan, a family relative and re ligious fanatic who closely surveyed and inf luenced his early childhood, symbolize those Irish who firmly supported the dogma that the Irish nation’s identity was not to be sepa rated from the nation’s necessity in being a Roman Catholic one, subdued to the domina tion of both Rome and London. Stephen, after having accepted this view as a child, refuses this standpoint as rigid and narrowminded; in one word, as a dangerous stereotype with disastrous consequences for the future of Ireland as he becomes an adolescent.As for the other group, the girl named (Stephen’s) desire, the one central and recur rent image which appears in its description is that of the “batlike soul”. The metaphor is deeply significant for the theme of this essay, as the girl characters are portrayed as unaware of themselves and only coming to consciousness, just as the Ireland of the epoch was seen and portrayed by young Stephen. The women, object of desire, are also seen as adulterous: but to betray, Stephen soon gets to understand, is the only way to be faithful – to himself and to his vision of what Ireland is yet to become.Thus the representation of the Irish nation is not only in connection with that of Irish women, but also in relation with a process of creation of Stephen’s own identity, as he slowly liberates himself from the public opinion and becomes a free minded and inde pendent adult, aware of the impact and importance his future artist vocation will have for him, as well as for his whole country.


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