HOW OPEN LIST PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION WORKS IN THE 2020 LOCAL ELECTIONS AT KHARKIV REGION?

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Regional Council ◽  
City Councils ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Degree

The article examines the first approbation of the Electoral Code on the material of the 2020 local elections in the Kharkiv region. The authors pay special attention to the effects of open lists systems and the degree of influence of preferential votes on the personal distribution of seats in local councils. The article calculates the percentage of voters who used the right of preferential votes in all 14 constituencies and main party lists. We argue that according to the indicators of the use of the preferential vote right and the percentage of invalid ballots, the voters of the Kharkiv region demonstrated a high degree of adaptive readiness for the new electoral system. The article analyzes the effects of blocking mechanisms incorporated in the electoral system, which reduced the influence of preferential votes of voters and retained the control of the party leadership over the personal distribution of mandates in the councils. The ratio between the seats from the district lists and the unified closed party lists was quantified (based on election results for the regional council and 17 city councils of the region). The article analyzes the intensity of changes in the ballot position of candidates in the district lists on regional council elections. We demonstrate that only 20% of seats were received by candidates placed by the party leadership in a “no-pass” ballot position. The article argues that the electoral formula introduced in the 2020 local elections did not work as a system with open lists proportional representation. According to the statistics of the personal allocation of seats in the newly elected councils, this model seems to be something in between the systems of flexible and closed lists. In this regard, the article develops new arguments in the debate on how the norms of electoral legislation reduce the role of preferential votes of voters and proposes recommendations for amending the Electoral Code.

scholarly journals Two-tier proportional electoral system in Ukraine: cross-regional analysis of the first approbation

2021 ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Fisun ◽  
◽  
Anton Avksentiev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Regional Analysis ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
High Figure ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines some effects from the first approbation of a two-tier proportional system with „flexible” lists in the local elections in Ukraine in 2020. In the comparative-regional context, the impact of the new system on the increase in the number of invalid ballots is analyzed and the percentage of voters who exercised the right to preferential voting for a particular candidate from the district list of the elected party is calculated. Hypotheses about regional differences in these quantitative parameters are formulated: in particular, the share of invalid ballots may be influenced by ethnolinguistic and urban factors. It was found that about 80% of voters who took part in the autumn 2020 vote exercised the right to preferential voting by entering the number of a particular candidate on the ballot – this unexpectedly high figure is in the context of other national cases using proportional systems with „flexible” or clean „open” lists. Particular attention is focused on the relationship between the two levels of the electoral system – the single closed and district flexible lists, and, accordingly, the balance of influence of voters and party leaders on the passage of candidates to local councils. This ratio was calculated for all oblast councils, and the material of the Kharkiv and Lviv oblast councils determined the empirical probability of changing the order of candidates in the district party lists under the influence of voters. Although supporters and lobbyists called the introduction of a new electoral system in Ukraine a model with „open” lists, the article identifies two key institutional mechanisms for significantly downplaying the role of preferential voting in the final determination of candidates. It is argued that according to the results of the personal distribution of seats among the candidates in the party lists, this model of „flexible” lists was closer to the pole of „closed” than „open” lists. Keywords: electoral systems, electoral lists, Electoral Сode of Ukraine, proportional electoral system, „flexible” lists, preferential voting, invalid ballots.

Party Linkage, Public Justification and Mixed Electoral Systems

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172097833
Author(s):  
Matteo Bonotti
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Public Justification ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Mixed Electoral Systems ◽  
Democratic Life ◽  
Mixed Electoral System

In recent years, a number of political theorists have aimed to restore the central role of parties in democratic life. These theorists have especially highlighted two key normative functions of parties: linkage and public justification. In this article, I argue that these two functions are often in tension. First, I illustrate how this tension manifests itself in liberal democracies. Second, I explain that parties’ ability to fulfil each of the two functions is strongly affected by the electoral system under which they operate: while first-past-the-post encourages party linkage but hinders public justification, the opposite is true of proportional representation. Third, I argue that a mixed electoral system can best guarantee the balance between parties’ linkage and justificatory functions. Fourth, I suggest a number of proposals for party reforms that could help mixed electoral systems to balance party linkage and public justification while preventing the re-emergence of the tension between them within parties.

scholarly journals THERMOREGULATION IN THE HEART AND THE BIOPHYSICS OF CORONARY ARTERIAL FLOW

2013 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. 058-062
Author(s):  
Arunachalam Kumar
Keyword(s):  
Systolic Pressure ◽  
Physical Force ◽  
Rapid Action ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Flow Through ◽  
The Right ◽  
Muscular Pump ◽  
Physical Laws ◽  
High Degree

AbstractThe right and left coronary arteries are the principal sources of supply of oxygenated blood to the heart. Arising from the proximal rim of the ascending aorta, these arteries course along and over the surface of the organ, sending out branches that penetrate axial blood flow through arteries is governed or maintained by multifarious physical laws.The heart, an electrically stimulated muscular pump, squirts and receives circulating blood through its systolic and diastolic exertions. The non-stop life-long rapid action of the organ not just expends enormous energy but also generates considerable heat. While there are a number of factors that help the heart dissipate and reduce heat, a few other biophysical factors contribute hugely to maintain a thermostatic milieu.Circulation through vessels is maintained with a high degree of efficiency through combined actions of ejection systolic pressure, elasticity of the conducting arterial channels, and the proximo-distal decrease in diameters of arteries.This brief write-up discusses some of physics regulatng fluid flow dynamics and attempts to exemplify the significant role of 'centrifugal force' as a hitherto overlooked physical force in coronary haemodynamics. The application of biophysical postulates to cardiac cycle may help in furthering our understanding of coronary blood circulation and the multi-factorial influences on its functional integrity. It is inferenced that, the finding may have a number of applications and result in a better understanding of cardiac circulatory dynamics.

scholarly journals The 2019 Local Elections in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 159-180
Author(s):  
Joaquín Martín Cubas ◽  
Pilar Rochina Garzón ◽  
Francisco Clemente González
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Institutional Performance ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Right ◽  
Franco Dictatorship ◽  
The City

Voting behaviour in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area can be split into four periods: (1) During the early years of democracy (1979-1991) following the Franco dictatorship, the area was a stronghold of the Left; (2) In 1991, the City of Valencia switched and was governed by the Right; (3) In 2011, the Right extended its control to the whole of the Metropolitan Area; (4) In the May 2015 elections, the Left won not only in the ‘red’ metropolitan belt but also in the City of Valencia. This study looks at what happened in the last set of local elections in 2019. To this end, we begin with a brief review of the election results, voting trends, and the institutional performance of each party since the first post-dictatorship local elections in 1979. We then go on to analyse the electoral behaviour of each of the parties, breaking this down by geographical variables: town/village size, comarcas (‘counties’), and the so-called ‘red belt’ before drawing our conclusions.

Electoral Systems in Context

2017 ◽  
pp. 600-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Åsa von Schoultz
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Internal Logic ◽  
Specific Focus ◽  
Basic Features ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Different Levels

The Finnish electoral system combines open-list proportional representation (OLPR) and mandatory preferential voting. OLPR provides the Finnish electoral system with a high degree of intra- and interparty competition. The inherent duality of the system has a multitude of effects on how elections are played out at different levels. The chapter provides a thorough presentation of the basic features of the electoral system and discusses its consequences, with a specific focus on how the two levels of competition influence the internal logic of Finnish politics in terms of nomination of candidates, how campaigns are fought, elections won, and the behavior and attitudes of voters, politicians, and parties.

Italy's Renzi set to continue political reform drive

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Market Turbulence ◽  
Italian Politics ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Scene

Subject The Italian political scene ahead of the May 31 regional and local elections. Significance Prime Minister Matteo Renzi of the centre-left Democratic Party (PD) has consolidated his political authority in his party and parliament. The balance of political power has shifted in favour of the left. Renzi has made progress on institutional reforms, most notably of the electoral system, that promise to enhance Italy's longer-term governability. Renzi's strengthened political position, the current relative stability of Italian politics and the prospect of more authoritative Italian governments in future would all provide Italy some insulation in the event of renewed financial market turbulence prompted by a Greek default. Impacts Renzi currently stands out as the left's most successful leader of a major EU state. Italian reformers seeking to consolidate party leadership authority and simplify decision-making have generally come from the right. Renzi has made more progress in these areas than former centre-right Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi achieved. If Renzi secures his planned reform of the Senate, as seems likely, it would further boost both Renzi and Italy's governability.

lnfluences des modifications de la loi électorale communale

Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 475-189
Author(s):  
Henri Breny
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Negligible Effect ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
Voting Method

The technical changes in the local-elections law that were recently implemented have only had a negligible effect on the electoral results.  As a matter of fact they did not bring about any change in the two major evils that beset local elections in Belgium. These are indeed dominated by a particular system (Imperiali) of allocation of seats that systematically deviates from proportional representation and is heavily resented as such by a considerable part of the public opinion. The recent modifications allow a voting method (the multiple vote) that wilt - from now on and increasingly so in the future - give a possibility to particular factions that are slightly stronger within a certain party to conquer a far more than proportional share of the party seats andmight well come close to the total number of seats allocated to a certain party. It is indeed the democratic nature of the electoral system in Belgium that is at stake here.

Physical attractiveness, voter heuristics and electoral systems: The role of candidate attractiveness under different institutional designs

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stockemer ◽  
Rodrigo Praino
Keyword(s):  
Multivariate Statistics ◽  
Physical Attractiveness ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Formal Institutions ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Proportional Systems ◽  
Positive Effect

While existing studies have shown that more attractive candidates running for office have an electoral advantage, very little has been written on how this advantage relates to different institutions. We theorise that formal institutions mediate the positive effect from which attractive candidates benefit. More in detail, we focus on the type of electoral system, hypothesising that physical attractiveness plays a more important role in majoritarian, first-past-the-post systems than in list proportional systems. We test this stipulation using the German federal elections’ two-tier electoral system, together with data collected in Australia on the physical attractiveness of German federal election candidates in 2013. A series of bivariate and multivariate statistics show that physical attractiveness is a significant factor explaining a candidate’s likelihood to win in the FPTP tier, but not in the list proportional representation (PR) tier.

The Role of Local Voting Rights for Non-Naturalized Immigrants: A Catalyst for Integration?

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1134-1157
Author(s):  
Mattias Engdahl ◽  
Karl-Oskar Lindgren ◽  
Olof Rosenqvist
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Early Voting ◽  
Strong Trend ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Speed Up ◽  
The Right ◽  
Swedish Data

Recent decades have seen a strong trend among democratic countries to extend voting rights at subnational levels to non-naturalized immigrants, creating substantial variation across countries in terms of voting eligibility rules for non-naturalized immigrants. Our knowledge of the consequences of these different systems for immigrant political integration is, however, limited. This article seeks to shed new light on this important issue by using Swedish data to study whether immigrants who face shorter residency requirements for voting eligibility in local elections are more likely to integrate politically. We find little compelling evidence that such is the case. The results suggest that immigrants who became eligible to vote after six to seven years were as likely to naturalize and vote in future elections in both the short and long run as those who received the right to vote after only three years of residency. Thus, although expanded franchise can be of symbolic, as well as practical, value, it is unlikely to be a panacea for immigrant political inclusion. The argument that early voting rights for non-naturalized immigrants is desirable since it helps speed up immigrant political integration should, therefore, be used with some care by those advocating for such reforms.

Electoral Justice in Mexico: The Role of the Electoral Tribunal under New Federalism

2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSANA BERRUECOS
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
New Federalism ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Federal Judiciary ◽  
Electoral Reforms ◽  
State And Local ◽  
The Right

‘Demanding adherence to principles is, either, to accept the federal system with all its advantages and dangers, or to denounce it frankly and proclaim the empire of central government, granting it the power to correct the abuses that local authorities might commit.’Ignacio VallartaThe annulment of the 2000 gubernatorial elections in Tabasco marked a fundamental precedent for electoral justice in Mexico and the role of the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary (Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación – TEPJF) in federal, state and local elections. Successive constitutional reforms that ended with the ‘definitive’ electoral reforms of 1996 have consolidated a regime of electoral dispute adjudication at the federal level, giving political parties the right to appeal state cases before federal authorities. Whereas a clear tendency exists towards greater decentralisation of power under ‘new federalism’, in the electoral field centralism concentrated on the TEPJF and the Supreme Court of Justice has been adopted. However, in the context of political pluralism and a more authentic federalism, the TEPJF's new role has caused conflicting reactions. Some sectors are insisting on the need to limit this institution's powers so that in the future it can only rule over subnational elections based on well-defined criteria that respect specific jurisdictional principles.

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